Thursday, March 6, 2025

Language Problem - Sri Guruji MS Golwalkar

 “I consider all our languages as national languages”: Sri Guruji Golwalkar on ‘The Language Problem’ Here is the full interview of Sri Guruji, reproduced from the Organiser Archives:   

The Breaking India Brigade has been propagating the old canards that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) wants Hindi as the only national language and ‘impose’ it on the non-Hindi speaking population of the country. But the RSS has always maintained that all Bharatiya languages are national languages. The second Sarsanghchalak of RSS, Sri Guruji Golwalkar, had shared his views on ‘The Language Problem’ in two interviews with Organiser, published in December 1957 and October 1967. Here is the full interview of Sri Guruji, reproduced from the Organiser Archives:

Read more at: https://organiser.org/2022/04/30/78588/bharat/i-consider-all-our-languages-as-national-languages-sri-guruji-golwalkar-on-the-language-problem-2/

Read more at: https://organiser.org/2022/04/30/78588/bharat/i-consider-all-our-languages-as-national-languages-sri-guruji-golwalkar-on-the-language-problem-2/

   (With the Special Correspondent, Organiser, December 1957)

Q : Which should be our national language?

A : I consider all our languages as national languages. They are equally our national heritage. Hindi is one among them which, by virtue of its countrywide usage, has been adopted as the State Language. It will be wrong to describe Hindi alone as the national language and others as provincial languages. That would not be seeing things in the right perspective.

 Q : Some time back Dr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar ridiculed Hindi publicly. He said Hindi had but two great books - Tulsi Ramayana and the Railway Time Table. Sardar Panikkar repeated Dr. C. P. with approval.

A : Only people ignorant of Hindi can ridicule it so. This tendency of mocking at other languages must stop. Some time back Ram Ganesh Gadkari, a prominent Marathi dramatist, made one of his characters say : "Southern languages, Put some pebbles in a tin can and shake it vigorously, and you hear those languages." Now this was no doubt said in fun. But I think such fissiparous fun is no good for the country.

 Q : Some people feel that the rise of Hindi will eclipse their mother tongues.

A : I do not think so. For example, Bengali, Tamil, Marathi and Telgu flourished even under English hegemony. With the rise of Hindi these languages will flourish further, and in turn enrich Hindi also. Why should Bengalis fear Hindisation of Bengali? For the last twenty years Bengali has been Urduised. For 'morning', 'prabhate' has increasingly yielded place to 'phajare'. But I am yet to hear a Bengali protest. Why then should they be allergic to Hindi?

Some time back in Madurai an advocate told me that Hindi would hurt Tamil. I asked him how, but he could not explain. I asked him why he used English and not Tamil in the district court, which was permitted. Again he had no reply. I told him the enemy of Tamil was not Hindi, rather English was the enemy of both.

 Q : Don't you think four languages - mother tongue, Hindi, Sanskrit and English - are too many? They consume at least half the student's time.

A : That is so. But I think the most dispensable of the four is English. It should not be a compulsory language. The present confusion will abate and eventually end if the Government takes a firm decision, sticks to it, and implements it quickly. The present indecision is only strengthening English. Today more children are going to convent schools than perhaps ever before. Some people have begun to openly urge that 'English should be the lingua franca of India'. The Government will undermine public confidence if it takes a shifty stand on this key issue of State Language.

In the old Madhya Pradesh the Education Department was conducting its business in Hindi and Marathi. But after the formation of bigger Bombay, the Marathi areas of former M.P. have reverted to English!

This is hardly the way to replace English as the State Language by 1965 - the time limit set by the Constitution for complete change-over. There must be some consistency between the declared policy and programme to implement it.

 Q : Rajaji says if Hindi is adopted as State Language, non-Hindi speakers will be reduced to second class citizenship.

A : Nothing of the kind. They pick up languages quickly. What language do South Indians speak when they visit Kashi or Prayag? Is it not some sort of Hindi?

 Q : Are not most of these pilgrims Brahmins?

A : No! They are predominantly others and the puja saamagri of sandal paste, flowers and dhoop offered in Kashi Vishwanath temple every day is supplied by an organization of Nottcotee Chettiars of Tamilnadu.

 Q : Rajaji says English is equally foreign to all of us, and therefore its continuation as State Language would be just and fair to all.

A : Since it is equally foreign to us all, it should be equally discarded by all. It is equally unfair and unjust to all.

If these leaders advocated the adoption of Tamil as State Language it would be more understandable. They could say it is much richer and much older. There would be some justification for it. But English is a counsel of despair.

 

Q : What is the explanation for eminent leaders talking like this?

A : Two explanations are possible. Either they are trying to take the wind out of DMK sails or it is a bait to appeal to man's parochialism, and capture political power on that basis. In the former case the attempt cannot but fail. Rajaji is only lending respectability to DMK ideas. Secondly threatening that if Hindi is introduced the country will further sub-divided, is political blackmail. By such talk he is only strengthening the forces of disruption.

 

Q : Would it be advisable to introduce bilingualism of Hindi and English for some years, after Hindi is made the State Language in 1965?

A : No. Let us have bilingualism now, for some years before 1965. Actually we should have had it by now.

 Q : Perhaps some people in the South think that replacement of English will put them at a disadvantage in the matter of recruitment to services, since they are good at English, but would take long to be equally good at Hindi.

A : In the first instance it is not correct to say that the South is particularly good at English. Most of the 1% in this country, who are supposed to know English, speak an English which hardly deserves to be known by that name - and the South is no exception.

I have no doubt that once the Government takes a firm decision in this regard, the South will take less than ten years to pick up Hindi. Already the servants and hamalis have changed over from 'two pice' to 'do paisa'. But what do politicians care for humble folk like that?

 

Q : But will they be able to speak and write Hindi as well as the Hindi-speakers?

A : Why not? It is erroneous to think that the type of Hindi which is going to be the State Language is the Hindi which is the mother tongue of 15-20 crores. Nothing of the kind. All these people are speaking all kinds of variants of Hindi. The standard Sanskritised Hindi will be the Union Language. To that extent everybody can learn it with equal ease. You may be surprised to know, that even the students of Hindi from South speak and write chaste Hindi than those from North.

 

Q : Would you entertain a demand for reservation of jobs for non-Hindi-speakers, to allay their fears?

A : Such a course is unnecessary and undesirable. It strikes at the unity of the nation. I know they can effectively compete with Hindi-speakers. In any case, proficiency in Hindi would not be required of them. Other things being equal, they would need only a working knowledge of Hindi to enter Central Services.

Whatever handicap is there can be further reduced by adopting a common Sanskrit vocabulary for all technical terms. Also the adoption of a uniform script for all our languages would bring them closer.

I say they can pick up much more Hindi than English if only they devoted to it half the time they devote to English.

 

Q : The protagonists of English say that it is the language of international commerce and diplomacy.

A : Not quite. English is the predominant language of only one power bloc. And, anyway, let those who need to, learn English on their own. Why should every schoolboy - who will have nothing to do either with high finance or high diplomacy - learn it?

 

Q : Are they likely to find many supporters in other non-Hindi areas like Bengal and Maharashtra?

A : No. Mostly 'elderly liberals', who still believe in the beneficence of British rule, will join them. They are too much rooted in their own particular past to outgrow it.

 

Q : The Prime Minister says the Government must secure unanimous agreement for the introduction of Hindi.

A : But they did not consult anybody when they nationalized life insurance! They are pressing ahead with Gramadan also. But neither the Congress Election Manifesto nor the Parliament enactments say anything about it!

(With the Editor, Organiser, October 1967)

Q : What do you think of the language policy of the Centre?

A : I don't see any policy anywhere. All I see is drift and indecision. The Government seems to be moving in circles.

The other day I was painted to see an article by Shri P. B. Gajendragadkar (vide 'The Times of India', Oct. 17, 1967). The last paragraph seemed to endorse separatist trends. He has advocated 'militant response' in the event of Hindi being introduced in the universities and courts.

 

Q : Do you regard Education Minister Shri Triguna Sen's formula of education at all levels in the mother tongue as good and reasonable?

A : I do. It is the obvious thing to do. It should have been done long ago. As for the problem of students shifting from university to university, after all, what is their number?

 

Q : What happens in the case of a state whose own language is not developed enough to serve as medium for higher education? For example, Kashmiri is not the medium in Kashmir even for primary education.

A : In such cases the state can decide whether Hindi or any other Indian language shall serve as its medium. But I have no doubt that all the four Southern languages are developed enough to serve as media for higher education. Much of the trouble will be over if a common vocabulary of technical words derived from Sanskrit is introduced in all the languages. There will be no harm in accepting foreign terms where local ones cannot be easily coined.

 

Q : Why did Shri E. V. Ramaswamy Naicker of Dravida Kazhagam say Tamil is a "barbaric tribal language"?

A : Only EVR can tell that.

 

Q : Some say Sanskrit should be the link language. Is it not a welcome suggestion?

A : If all those who oppose Hindi are agreed on Sanskrit, I will be supremely happy. But the trouble is that those people who have suddenly discovered the virtues of Sanskrit are not sincere about it. I am afraid they are using that argument as a delaying tactic.

 

Q : Shri Annadurai, Chief Minister of Madras, said the other day that Hindi should not be a compulsory subject because not many have occasion to use it when they grow up.

A : That is true, but there is another side to this matter. A little knowledge of Hindi by all Indians will help to foster a sense of integration and feeling of brotherliness.

 

Q : Perhaps common text-books in different languages will also help integration.

A : But even more important is the content of those books. Our history books are particularly deficient in this respect. They centre round Pataliputra and then stick to Delhi - as though the rest of the country didn't matter. How many of even our graduates know the greatness of Cholas and Pandyas and Pulakeshin? Except for Vijayanagar, very little is taught about the history of the South. Take again, the Eastern Bharat. Kharavela was a great king of Utkal. He carried his flag across the seas to Indonesia. But how many Indian scholars have even heard of his name? When you go south and see the huge temples there you realize the great culture behind them. But how many know anything about them?

 

Q : One objection to Hindi is that it will put non-Hindi people at a disadvantage vis-à-vis the Hindi people.

A : By and large, this is a misconceived objection. Fact is that Khari Boli which has come to be accepted as 'Hindi' is the mother-tongue of only a few millions in the Delhi-Meerut area. Most of the other so-called Hindi people do not speak Khari Boli in their homes. They speak a variety of languages ranging from Pahari to Rajasthani and from Avadhi to Magadhi, Braj and Maithili. They all have to learn Hindi as much as any Bengali or Maharashtrian or Andhra or Malayali.

 

Q : What do you think of the proposed Official Language Bill? It gives a veto to every state over the change-over from English to Hindi.

A : At this rate why not give a veto to every citizen? It is a case of tyranny of the few over the many. I am surprised that the English press, controlled by Indian businessmen, should be so hostile to Indian languages.

 

Q : Could this be an extension of their business collaboration with foreigners?

A : I will not be surprised.

 

Q : Is there any necessity of making Hindi the national language of our country?

A : Why? Hindi is not the only national language in our country. All the languages of this country, which have expressed the same great thoughts of our culture, are cent per cent national. The only thing is, in such a vast country as ours we need one Vyavahaara Bhaashaa, a link language, to replace English which is undoubtedly a foreign tongue.

(With Pressmen at Delhi, April 1966)

Q : Don't you think that imposition of Hindi would be detrimental to the oneness of the country at the moment?

A : Well, if you think that introduction of any one of our languages is detrimental to the interests of the country, do you go to the other corollary that a foreign language is conducive? If that is not so, do we not require a language of our own for communicating our ideas and thoughts, and for mutual intercourse, which will be common to all of us throughout the country? From this point of view, Hindi is the easiest to learn and it is also already spoken and understood in various parts of the country. Therefore we say that Hindi should be there. There is no question of posing that one language is superior to another.

(With friends at Sirse, Karnataka, November 1969)

Q : Why has our Government been dragging its feet right from the start in the matter of making Hindi the common language?

A : As soon as the British left, the psychological atmosphere of our country was such that Hindi could have been immediately declared the sole link language and English totally banished. It could have been followed by brisk measures of implementation. Then there would have been absolutely no opposition or objection from any quarter. Countries like Burma, Ceylon and even African countries took such a decisive step and now they are free from any controversy.

I have been thinking as to why Pt. Nehru did not take that firm line. Probably it may be due to the samskaars during his childhood. He spent his whole boyhood - the formative period of his life - in England. Naturally he must have imbibed a love for English. He continued to be enamoured of it even in his later years and probably did not feel like giving it up all of a sudden.

 

Q : With respect to making the regional languages the media of instruction and administration, the Government feels that it should be done gradually and that it is not in our interest to bed good-bye to English all of a sudden. What is your opinion?

A : The policy of 'gradual change-over' is impractical and is designed to put the people on the wrong scent.

 

Q : The Government says that by banishing English we will be shutting the windows to the light of knowledge coming from outside. The progress of science will also be hampered. Is it not true to a great extent?

A : That is only an illusion. In all progressive countries, the native languages are the media of instruction. That English is the only 'window' etc., is all a myth. About thirty years ago Sir C. V. Raman had just returned from his visit to Russia. I met him and during the conversation, I just queried whether he had used English for his talk while in Russia. He said : "Who understands English there? I had to speak in German."

In fact, it is our hanging on to English that has handicapped us. If by banishing English some say 'the window to outside knowledge' will be closed, I say a 'wide door' will be opened in its place!

(With friends at Madras and Kerala, February 1964)


Q : If English is banished, there is a fear that the educational standards may fail.

A : In universities, even now everything is taught in English but the standards have fallen low. The main reason is that there is no real serious effort to improve the standards. This partly explains the brain drain about which we complain so much. You find, nowadays, that the best brains amongst us are not encouraged by our Government and they go to foreign lands where their talents are better appreciated. The reason why they hesitate to come and work in India is not, as some say, the low emoluments they get here. They are many times prepared to work for lower incomes, but what they complain of is that there is practically no encouragement for independent research here.

To quote an old instance : Professor Goodridge of Allahabad University was a world renowned authority on the subject of fish in Zoology. His works are well known throughout the world and are published in the Lancashire series. When it was found out that such a genius is here in India, he was called back to England. There he could get only the job of an ordinary demonstrator. That job had less pay than what he used to get here. Moreover, his experience in the subject was so great that even his professors there were in no way near him. Here in India, he was better paid, he was a professor in charge of department and had ample authority and position. But in England even with low pay and less authority this demonstrator's job offered him far better facilities for research and that was what he was thirsting for. Therefore he accepted the job and went back to England.

(With friends in Punjab, May 1968)

Q : For the sake of unity of India, will it not be better to have education in different sciences at the higher level in English, which is an international language? In that case people would not find any difficulty when they go from one state to another. If, on the other hand, they are imparted education in provincial languages they shall have to face a good many difficulties.

A : It is wrong to think that English is an 'international language'. Last year a nuclear conference was held in France. Representative scientists from different countries participated in it. But only six of them knew English - one each from England, Canada, Australia and India, and two from the U.S.A. Again, in the UNCTAD held recently in New Delhi, more than 1,500 representatives took part. How many of them, you think, knew English? Only a small number. It would be better if Hindi is taught compulsorily along with the provincial languages and scientific and technical terms used in all the provincial languages are the same in the whole of the country. In that case there will be no difficulty for technical men to understand each other.

(With friends at Bangalore, February 1973)


Q : If English cannot take the place of National Language, what else can?

A : Recently, some one said to me : Cricket is our National Game, English dress is our National Dress and English language is our National Language. Then, the only thing that remains to be said is : Ours is an English Nation!

The countries which have become free from the British yoke have all taken to their native languages. They switched over to their languages as soon as power came to their hands. In South East Africa, there are 14 to 16 languages of various tribes. Every tribe is proud of its language. But by common accord they have accepted Swahili as their National Language. And they are carrying on quite well, even though Africa is much more backward than us in scientific and other fields. Though there are here a number of rich languages we have taken a very inane attitude. What difference can our people find between the British administration and now? Nothing, except change of hands. Then also English was there, and now also English continues. Then, what is there to rouse a strong spirit of patriotism in their minds?

 

Q : Why do you think a change will come merely by changing from English to our languages?

A : It is a sort of psychological change.

 

Q : In Tamilnadu both Hindi and English are equally foreign to them. Not even one per cent understands either. Then how does the change matter?

A : I will give you an example from my own experience. In one of our RSS training classes there, our workers wanted that I should speak in English. I said to them, that since translation into Tamil would be done any way, it would be the same whether I speak in English or Hindi. As I feel more at ease in Hindi, I said I prefer to speak in Hindi. One day I spoke in English and the next day in Hindi. Afterwards, on enquiring from the trainees I found that more persons could understand Hindi than English. It is quite natural, because so many words are common.

The trouble comes only when Persian or Arabic is introduced into Hindi, as was done under the pressure of Muslim League in the North. Then, it becomes unintelligible even to me. For example, when some one says Firmaanardassh, we cannot understand. Aajnaadhaarak, we understand. It is the interpolation of Persian that has made matters worse.

 

Q : You are for Hindi for the whole of the country, I suppose.

A : Right from the ancient days our people going on pilgrimage have been exchanging their thoughts in broken Hindi. At Kashi and Prayag, we see people from all parts of the country carrying on in broken Hindi. Long before we decided to conduct our affairs in Hindi it was already being done to a limited extent. In Gujarat, Maharashtra, Punjab, Bengal and Assam also which are non-Hindi-speaking areas, people understand Hindi.

 

Q : Is not English useful as one of the languages?

A : We are not enemies of any language. In fact, German and Russian have now come to be studied for technological subjects. It is only after the Second World War, with the spread of American influence, that English has spread. We can have as a secondary language any useful language.

 

Q : If some States do not agree for Hindi, what is the alternative except English?

A : Our States are quarrelling; so, can we say that the alternative is the British rule?

Now, the pity is, English has become the primary language and ours, secondary languages. This has to be reversed. If we consider ourselves as a separate independent national entity, then we must have our own language.

 

Q : Why not Sanskrit?

A : Sanskrit, no doubt, is best, but there is a difficulty. Recently, I posed a question to a Sanskrit scholar as to why our people took to Prakrit and Hindi, even though Sanskrit was there. In the dramas of Kalidasa, the lower characters spoke in Prakrit. Why? Even in those days, Sanskrit was difficult, they wanted an easier medium. So came Prakrit. Sanskrit, if simplified, will be able to serve the purpose.

 

Q : Do you feel that rejuvenation of Sanskrit language will serve any useful purpose in the present context?

A : Undoubtedly. Sanskrit is the mother of all our languages. It has enriched all of them. All branches of knowledge including science and technology will surely receive an impetus by the adoption of Sanskrit equivalents.

 

Q : What is your opinion regarding the innumerable foreign words that have into our Bharatiya languages?

A : All our languages must be immediately purified. Words like 'guarantee', 'appeal', 'junction' etc., should all be replaced by simple and elegant words in the regional languages. I suggest that the Hindi speaking people take a generous attitude and enrich Hindi by absorbing simple and apt words from the various regional languages. For example, the Tamil word Sandippu can be usefully taken to replace 'junction'.

 

Q : There is a movement for Urdu. How do you view it?

A : It is not an 'Urdu movement', but a 'Muslim movement'! After all, Urdu cannot be considered a language at all in the real sense of the term. Its script is Persian and the grammar is of Hindi. That which has neither a script nor a grammar of its own can never attain the status of a language. Urdu is being used only as a pretext. It is a cover for the activities of certain anti-national, divisive forces for raising the demand for another Pakistan. If this so-called movement for Urdu is not nipped in the bud with a firm hand, it may well develop into a grave national risk in times to come.

https://organiser.org/2022/04/30/78588/bharat/i-consider-all-our-languages-as-national-languages-sri-guruji-golwalkar-on-the-language-problem-2/

https://www.golwalkarguruji.org/encyc/2017/10/18/TheLanguageProblem.html?utm_source=chatgpt.com

“I consider all our languages as national languages”: Sri Guruji Golwalkar on ‘The Language Problem’ Here is the full interview of Sri Guruji, reproduced from the Organiser Archives:   WEB DESK Apr 3...

Read more at: 

https://organiser.org/2022/04/30/78588/bharat/i-consider-all-our-languages-as-national-languages-sri-guruji-golwalkar-on-the-language-problem-2/

Wilhelm Reich’s The Mass Psychology of Fascism - sexual freedom

 Wilhelm Reich controversially proposes that promoting sexual freedom, particularly among the working class, is essential to preventing fascism. He advocates for comprehensive sex education and the breaking down of repressive social norms.

Wilhelm Reich’s The Mass Psychology of Fascism

By William Stroud

Wilhelm Reich

The Mass Psychology of Fascism

(Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1980)

It is obvious to all that the United States is a country in trouble. In order for us to develop our individual and collective sense of well-being, the predicament we are in requires us to have a sober analysis of our problems and how we got here, the ability to recognize and celebrate the things that bring joy to our lives, and a vision of a path forward for our communities and for our country that we are able to enact.

Over the last years, I have asked family, friends, and colleagues to explain the most visible publicized symbol of our national challenge: the Trump phenomenon, i.e. the support of tens of millions of people in this country for an administration that has been deceitful, corrupt, divisive, cruel, and has championed policies which undermine or threaten the quality of life for so many. This is the first time since the Civil War where, as a result of an administration’s program or lack thereof, the number of deaths of its own citizens surpasses the number of people killed as a result of military aggression in other countries. These conversations have largely left us mutually unsatisfied. Trump is a serious problem but not the problem to be explained.

While there has been jubilation in the streets after his defeat at the ballot box, the forces that have given us this government remain and will attempt to find ways to recapture political dominance. Because of the clearly autocratic style of leadership displayed over the last years, there have been frequent references to fascism and the threat of an emergent fascism in the United States. In examining historical parallels, I recently reread Wilhelm Reich’s Mass Psychology of Fascism. Arguments over whether the United States is a fascist society or not are less important than understanding the conditions that have given rise to the form of authoritarian government, with a representative democratic face, we experience. 21st-century society is not a reproduction of 1930s Europe. But we can learn from previous historical eras.

Reich regarded fascism as a problem of the masses and not a problem of Hitler as a person or the politics of the National Socialist Party:

the champion of an idea, can be successful … only if his personal point of view, his ideology, or his program bears a resemblance to the average structure of a broad category of individuals. … it is precisely a question of understanding why the masses proved to be accessible to deception, befogging, and a psychotic situation. … Here is a contradiction that can be explained only by mass psychology and not by politics or economics. The masses had every possibility of evaluating the propaganda of the various parties. … Why didn’t they see that, while promising the workers that the owners of the means of production would be disappropriated, Hitler promised the capitalists that their rights would be protected.

Contemporary vows to the public to drain the swamp, and to capitalists to minimize taxes and remove government regulations, are rough equivalents.

The psychologist Robert Coles, in The Political Life of Children, a book in his larger Inner Lives of Children Trilogy, examines the stories and myths that a nation uses to socialize generations of people in order to establish the consent of the governed. In a society structured, in both a psychological and material sense, fundamentally on issues of race and class, our experiences as children form the basis for our political attitudes. Reich posits that the authoritarian ideology that prevailed in Nazi Germany was rooted in the patriarchal family—that the identification with state power is analogous to subservience to the supreme authority exercised by the father in patriarchal society and internalized in childhood. With economic dependency of the wife and children on the husband and father, the family served as the precursor and institutional structure for maintaining authoritarian rule.

Reich also believed that sexual repression was a co-determining factor. “The wife must not figure as a sexual being, but solely as a child-bearer. … Sexually awakened women, affirmed and recognized as such, would mean a complete collapse of the authoritarian ideology.” Reich did not equate sexual freedom with licentiousness; on the contrary. He favored removing compulsory and hypocritical morality from sexual relationships. Men, rather than declining responsibility for their impulses and acts, would no longer see morality as a burden and develop norms of self-regulation. In this, Reich’s thinking was highly influenced by his relationship with Sigmund Freud and the fledgling psychoanalytic movement in Europe in the early 20th century.

As a young practicing psychoanalyst, Reich had been a follower of Freud, with whom he corresponded regarding the clinical application of the concepts of the id, ego, and superego, and subsequently became Freud’s assistant at his psychoanalytic clinic in Vienna. They posited that the conflict between sexual needs and socially enforced inhibitions were the underlying cause of neuroses. Because of the consistent pattern of symptoms observed in his practice, Reich believed that the problem did not lie primarily with individuals but was a manufactured condition inflicted on people through the institutions of capitalism.

In his clinical work, Reich found that a significant percentage of society engaged in conduct contrary to espoused traditional morality: virginity until marriage, monogamy, conjugal fidelity, and chastity if single. Preceding today’s anti-choice factions by nearly a century, acceptance of abortion would have required implicit acknowledgement of sex and pregnancy outside the confines of marriage—a violation of conservative religious sensibilities. Reich had come to believe that there was no hope of sexual reform and reduction of mental disorders in a capitalist world where the paradigm of the patriarchal family and religious values continued to create the internal contradictions leading to sexual misery. The solution could only be found in the destruction of the established authoritarian social structures.

After witnessing a police massacre of workers in Vienna during the July Revolt of 1927, Reich joined the Communist Party. Having already attained a degree of renown in intellectual circles, he was a prize. The party arranged lectures for explaining psychoanalytic principles to student and worker organizations which met with little success. That changed dramatically when one day he veered off course and began to share his account of the concrete sexual conditions of the day. He then worked with colleagues to establish sex information and hygiene centers in Vienna. Here are examples of questions Reich was asked:

Do you allow your children to masturbate?

If your sixteen year old daughter brought her boyfriend home so they could make love, would you allow them to?

My husband does not satisfy me during intercourse because he comes too quickly. What should we do?

If sexual liberty were enforced, wouldn’t it lead to chaos? I have the impression that my husband would leave me.

As Reich’s popularity grew, it attracted the attention of the Communist Party leaders in Moscow who demanded that his publications be revised to meet the more conservative, prudish ideas of the party. Party functionaries came to frustrate his projects. Reich became increasingly disenchanted and left the party in 1933.

In the 1930s Reich challenged Freud and conventional psychoanalysts regarding their attribution of neuroses to sexual repression in individuals. Were they willing to recognize the part played by conventional morality and the anti-sexual legislation of the day in the consequent incidence of neurotic behavior he observed in the Viennese population? Reich’s work with youth led him to believe that the field failed to confront the fundamental root of the problem. He found that more and more young people between the age of 14 and 18 had sexual intercourse (today, according to the Center for Disease Control, more than half of teenagers have had sex before the age of 18) and the reformers of the day did not address the greater disconnect between espoused morality and reality.

Around the same time, he began to question and ultimately reject Freud’s death instinct hypothesis. He became increasingly disillusioned with psychoanalysis as its proponents concentrated more on the development of theory rather than clinical practice and treatment of disorders. The pursuit of human freedom, for Reich, lies in what he termed “Work-Democracy.” It included a rejection of politics and the totalitarian state and rested on assuming direct social responsibility for the practical functions of life. “This democracy is borne by the functions of love, work, and knowledge and is developed organically.”

The Mass Psychology of Fascism was written in 1933 in the early days of Hitler and the Nazi Party’s rise to power. The 1920s were an incubation period for what was to infect Germany for a generation, supply the grist for Reich’s analysis, and torment the world for three decades. Reich’s work was an attempted integration of two of the most powerful intellectual currents of his day: Marxism and psychoanalysis. In his later work, he began to go off the rails. His pursuit of a deep understanding of the libido, of sexual energy, led him to believe that it was not just a psychological state, but also a physical force that could be measured. He created a contraption intended to harness and measure this energy, the orgone box made famous in popular culture by Woody Allen’s orgasmatron in the film Sleeper (1973).

Reich became increasingly ostracized in both the psychoanalytic and socialist movements and moved to the United States. He taught at the New School for Social Research from 1939 to 1941 and corresponded directly in the early 1940s with Einstein who must have considered him cook crazy. An institute was established in Rangeley, Maine (which exists today as a museum), and he continued to attack the family institution. As orgone accumulators became more widespread, the US government, through the Food and Drug Administration, prohibited their sale and the sale of all of Reich’s books including the Mass Psychology. His descent into madness and ignominy ended with his death in 1957 in a federal penitentiary in Lewisburg, Pennsylvania where he had been imprisoned.

The examination of history provides points of reference that may allow insights into our current dilemmas. The problem we have inherited requires explanation of both psychological and socio-economic factors. Reich identified fascism as a movement of the lower middle class: private and public officials, shopkeepers, merchants, and farmers who exist in a tenuous relationship between proletarianization and aspirations of upward economic mobility. Rather than recognizing power relationships and the dynamic of society, the middle classes aspire to be like their rulers. “The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over the means of mental production.”1 In our day, the corporate media triumvirate of Fox, CNN, and MSNBC form the capitalist class’s megaphone for the constant dissemination of these ideas to the public. The voting bloc with the largest percentage of Trump voters, according to New York Times exit polls, were those with family incomes over $100,000.

The seeds of authoritarianism have long been present in US society. There is a historical adoration of a Lone Ranger. Donald Trump’s election in 2016 and the Republican Party’s submission to the most retrograde policies of our time has unleashed the forces of racism and the pursuit, not of happiness, but for power and wealth at all costs. The voter restrictions of the last decade harken back to the day when founders of the republic feared the consequences of universal suffrage and inserted barricades into law. In the first Presidential election only white male property owners who constituted 10–15 percent of the recognized population were “qualified” to vote. Three percent of the total population voted for president in 1789, four percent in 1824, 11 percent in 1828, 17 percent in 1840. Neither are Supreme Court rulings to enforce discrimination new. In the Dred Scott decision of 1857, the Court ruled that African Americans were not and could never be citizens of the United States.

One of the current factors for Trump support is the transparency of the disparity of wealth and power between the one percent (or the 10 percent) and the 99 percent (or 90 percent). In March 2020, in a continuation of the 21st-century expansion of wealth to the already super-rich to the detriment of the vast majority of citizens, the Federal Reserve provided gigantic loans to big business. The historical antecedent was the 2009 handout by Ben Bernanke and the Obama Administration of $7.7 trillion to the banks “too big to fail” and reinflating a financial bubble while ignoring foreclosures on millions of working class home owners. The initial Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Security Act (CARES) allocation by Congress was for $500 billion; $454 billion to be determined at the whim of political authorities. But this was simply the beginning of the handout to the rich and powerful.

The CARES Act prompted the Fed to expand the total allocation underwritten to Big Business to a total of $6.286 trillion. Contrary to public perception, only a small percentage of this went to us commoners: payments to individuals and families, $300 billion; extra unemployment insurance, $260 billion; student loans, $43 billion; for a total of $603 billion. While 30 percent of the country feared they would not be able to make next month’s rent, no mortgage or rent relief was passed. This money was intended to keep us buying goods and services which would continue to pad the pockets of elite capitalists. While lines for food pantries stretch around our blocks in New York City, more than $4.5 trillion (that’s trillion folks) were directed to support Big Business. This handout, accompanying the loss of millions of jobs and without the production of a single commodity, increased annual corporate profits by 250 percent.2 These people love what Obama and (especially) Trump have done for them.

The public was largely hoodwinked by the corporate media to think that the public good was what motivated this tremendous act of corporate welfare. Both parties of capitalism, the Democrats as well as the Republicans, whole-heartedly supported the bailouts. In the Senate, only Bernie Sanders voiced great concern over the act and, in the end, voted in favor. The Senate approved 96–0. The House of Representatives approved the bill through a voice vote, and only Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez had the courage to speak out publicly calling it “crumbs for our families.” She has since been castigated repeatedly by Democrat party leaders and demonized by Republicans and media pundits.

Democrats are seen as the party of the bankers and financial elite which has led to rampant mistrust of the party by 70 million voters. Trump, with his psychopathic behaviors, is considered a preferred alternative, someone who will mess with a system that needs to be disrupted. The history of Biden-Harris leadership would indicate that without a mass political movement, they will continue to serve the rich and powerful. Biden’s disgraceful role in criminal injustice policies, mass deportation of undocumented workers, drone technology warfare from the bunkers of the Southwest, and Harris’s identification as a successful child of immigrant parents—as opposed to identifying with the legacy of the Black Panther Party’s community organizing movement in her neighboring city, Oakland—are worth paying attention to. They have moved politically because the Black Lives Matter movement, Dreamers, and supporters of Bernie Sanders and “the Squad” forced them to in order to be elected. But to argue that all elections are insignificant would be asinine. We have the noxious Trump experience to draw on. Consider what the impact of an Ilhan Omar and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez administration would have on public policy for the working class. Look at what Jacinda Ardern’s approach to climate change, immigration, and COVID has done for New Zealand.

These last days I am listening and learning from my wife and step-daughter regarding the significance of electing a Black Jamaican/Indian woman as Vice President of the United States. My knee-jerk reaction, reflecting on our experience with Colin Powell, Condoleezza Rice, Clarence Thomas, Hillary Clinton, et. al. is that this reveals the possibility of equal opportunity appointments of exploiters. I was narrow-minded about this. They pointed out that legislation has historically been done on women without a woman in the room. Now a woman will be in all rooms.

Missing from our 21st-century public discourse is the impact of the fundamental logic of capitalism as a system, i.e. what the inexorable drive to maximize profit and the competition embedded in the accompanying ideology does to the social relationships of human beings. How do the material conditions of our existence influence how we think, how we understand ourselves, how we envision a better world for all of us to live in? Socialism has become redefined in our era to make it innocuous to the overthrow of capitalism. It is defined with features of 1950s Eisenhower warnings (against the military-industrial complex), 1970s Nixonian social policy (universal basic income), and the post-World War II Scandinavian welfare state. The neoliberal era ushered in by the Reagan-Thatcher administrations has relegated these to the dustbin of history. There will be no going backward. We have no indication that those who occupy privileged positions will hand over wealth and power to the rest of us. We must take it from them by organizing our communities into alternative structures for exercising political and economic power. There is no blueprint for this.

“[People] make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.  The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living.”3 Nero fiddles while Rome burns. Trump golfs while COVID kills. Transformative change requires a grand vision for a better world and the development of alternative organizations and institutions for decision-making and exerting collective power.

Over the last 100 years, we have made progress as a society in areas of race, gender identity, and family relationships. This came about as a result of great struggle by trade unions, Black nationalists, the Civil Rights Movement, the feminist movement, and organizations such as ACT UP. But we still live in a patriarchal society characterized by white privilege. An unquestioning respect for authority is built into our institutional norms. In our public schools, students continue to be taught the mythological version of American exceptionalism. The most common reason given for school suspensions is insubordination and inflicted on Black and brown students disproportionately. Our imagination for what is possible has been colonized by schooling and the corporate media. Socialism as an alternative is demonized, and our ability to create a comprehensive vision for a better world is formally stymied. A society where millions are not able to distinguish fact from fiction is ripe for authoritarian rule.

One of the most inspiring actions I’ve experienced in the last years was a demonstration that was organized in early June at Grand Army Plaza in Brooklyn. It took place in the context of the larger Black Lives Matter movement so prominent in the streets in the spring. Four young Black men had announced the demonstration two days earlier, and thousands of people of all ages and ethnicities showed up. The impromptu speeches given by the four young men were particularly moving. They appeared to be in their late teens, and each addressed the crowd. One asked us to look around, to see how many people came out on short notice, and to pay attention to the diversity of the protesters. None of them were official organizational leaders, and each of them had a sophisticated understanding, not just of the police mistreatment and violence against African American communities, but also of the oppressive nature of capitalism as a system. They emphasized the principles of justice, equality, and unity as organizing features of a movement. If we are to effectively take power from the leaders vested in the current institutions, we will need to get behind these young men and their Black Lives Matter comrades; and move beyond the hyper-focus on electoral politics.

With millions of people on the streets in the spring and early summer, the goal was primarily to disrupt the system. But disruption is not enough. And expecting existing institutions to work in our favor will not do. Yet we are not powerless. Transformation will require some institutions to be abolished (e.g., ICE), some to be modified (e.g., our city councils), and some to be created (e.g., workplace collectives). We will need to build new organizations, when possible, that move the ideas of justice, equality, and unity from theory to practice. In our daily lives we can commit to building healthy relationships with family, friends, work colleagues, and strangers. We are told that the construction of a better world is impossible, that there is no alternative. Perhaps we can take a lesson from the Argentinian escrache movement, which resulted in the imprisonment of government officials and military officers: impossible takes longer. 

Engels, Frederick and Marx, Karl. The German Ideology. Edited by C.J. Arthur. (New York: International Publishers, 2004).

Brenner, Robert. “Escalating Plunder.” The New Left Review 123 (May/June 2020).

Marx, Karl, and Daniel De Leon. 1898. The eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. New York: International Pub. Co.

William Stroud

WILLIAM STROUD is an international educator and student of political economy.

Friday, February 28, 2025

Fascism vs. Neo-Fascism: Key Differences

 ite logo image The Wire Telugu Read on blog or Reader

ఫాసిజం – నయా ఫాసిజం మధ్య తేడాలేమిటి?

By Anjaneya Raju Esaraju on March 3, 2025



        ఒకప్పుడు ఫాసిజంతో తెగతెంపులు చేసుకున్న యూరోపియన్‌ దేశాలతో సహా ప్రపంచవ్యాప్తంగా ఫాసిస్టు శక్తులు పేట్రేగుతున్నాయి. ఈ కాలంలో నూతన తరహా నిరంకుశ దౌర్జన్యపాలన రూపాలు ముందుకొచ్చాయి. ఈ రూపాలు సారం రీత్యా ఫాసిస్టు స్వభావాన్ని కలిగి ఉన్నా రూపం రీత్యా పాసిజం కంటే నాజూకుగా కనిపిస్తాయి.

        ఫాసిస్టు శక్తులు ఇటలీలో అధికారాన్ని హస్తగతం చేసుకున్న సరిగ్గా వందేళ్ల తర్వాత వారి వారసులైన నయా ఫాసిస్టులు మూడు పార్టీల సంకీర్ణంతో ఆ దేశంలో అధికారానికి వచ్చారు. 1922లో బెన్నిటో ముస్సోలిని రోమ్‌పైకి దండయాత్ర అని ప్రకటించటంతో అప్పటి రాజు బెనిటో ప్రయివేటు సైన్యాల ముందు సాగిల పడ్డాడు. లొంగిపోయాడు. కానీ వందేళ్ల తర్వాత నయా ఫాసిస్టు శక్తులు పద్ధతి ప్రకారం, ఎన్నికల ద్వారా, రాజ్యాంగ యంత్రం అనుమతితో, శాంతియుతంగా అధికారాన్ని చేపట్టారు.

        ఇటలీలో 1920 దశకంలో ఫాసిజానికి సామాజిక పునాదిగా ఉన్న మధ్యతరగతి, పట్టణకార్మికర్గంలో ముఖ్యమైన భాగం, ధనిక రైతాంగమే 2022లో కూడా నయా ఫాసిజానికి సామాజిక పునాది సమకూరుస్తున్నాయి. ఈ బలగాల్లో భారీ భూస్వాములే కొరతగా ఉంది. ఎందుకంటే యూరప్‌లో 1920 దశకంలో ఉన్నంత స్థాయిలో విశాలకమతాలపై యాజమాన్యం ఉన్న భూస్వాములు ప్రస్తుతం లేరు. (ఉంటే వారు కూడా ఈ నయా ఫాసిస్టు శక్తుల పక్షాన నిలిచేవారే).

యూరప్‌తో సహా ప్రపంచవ్యాప్తంగా అనేక దేశాల్లో రాజకీయాలు మెజారిటేరియన్‌ రాజకీయాలవైపు మొగ్గు చూపుతున్నాయి. ఉదారవాద ప్రజాతంత్ర విలువలను తిరస్కరిస్తున్నాయి. ఫాసిస్టు లక్షణాలున్న ఆలోచనలు ప్రజారంజక రాజకీయాలుగా ముసుగువేసుకుని చలామణి అవుతున్నాయి. హంగరీ పోలండ్‌ వంటి దేశాల్లో ఈ శక్తులు రాజ్యాంగయంత్రంలో చొరబడ్డాయి. స్వీడన్‌, జర్మనీ, ఫ్రాన్స్‌లలో అత్యంత మితవాద శక్తులు రాజకీయంగా పలుకుబడి పెంచుకుంటున్నాయి. ఎన్నికల రాజకీయాల్లో పైచేయి సాధిస్తున్నాయి.

ఇటలీలో ముస్సోలిని తర్వాత, ఫ్రాన్స్‌లో వికీ తర్వాత, జర్మనీలో కూడా ఫాసిస్టు పూర్వరూపాల్లో ఉన్న శక్తులు బతికి బట్టకట్టటమే కాక రాజకీయాలను శాసించే దశకు చేరతాయని ఎవరైనా ఊహించారా? సమాజం ఒకప్పుడు ఈ ధోరణులను ఈసడించుకున్నది. అయినా ఫాసిస్టు ఆలోచనా ధోరణులు విశాల జనసమ్మర్ధం బుర్రల్లోకి సున్నితంగా ఎక్కించబడుతూనే ఉన్నాయి.

కాలం విసిరిన సవాళ్లను అధిగమించిన ఫాసిజం

ఫాసిస్టు భావజాలం స్థూలంగా ముడిగానూ, ఆకుకు అందకుండా పోకకు చెందకుండా ఉన్నట్లుగానూ, గుర్తించలేనంతగా రోజువారీ జీవితంలో మమేకమైనవిగానూ, ఆలోచనకు పదును పెట్టేవిగా కాక భావోద్వేగాలు రెచ్చగొట్టేవిగానూ ఉంటాయి. ఆరాధనా భావాన్ని పెంపొందించటం, చరిత్రను సమగ్రంగా పరిశీలించటానికి బదులు చరిత్రలో ఏమీ జరగలేదన్న గుడ్డినమ్మకాన్ని పెంపొందించేవిగానూ, కొన్నికొన్ని సార్లు అసలు అటువంటి ప్రశ్నార్ధకమైన చరిత్ర ఉన్నదని గుర్తించ నిరాకరించటం ఈ శక్తులు అనుసరించే సార్వత్రిక వైఖరి. మరో విషయం ఏమిటంటే ఫాసిజం సాంకేతిక పరిజ్ఞానాన్ని వెంటవెంటనే ఆలింగనం చేసుకుంటుంది. స్వీకరిస్తుంది. సర్వరోగ నివారిణిగా కీర్తిస్తుంది. అదే సమయంలో ఆధునికతనూ, శాస్త్రీయ ఆలోచనా విధానాన్ని తిరస్కరించటం ఫాసిస్టుల మౌలిక లక్ష్యం. లక్షణం. మార్మికమైన గతాన్ని కీర్తిస్తుంది. జాతీయ గర్వభావనను ప్రేరేపిస్తుంది. చరిత్ర గమనంలో జరిగిన తప్పులను పెడధోరణులను సరిదిద్దాలని పట్టుబడుతుంది. దేశంలో ఉన్న అధిక సంఖ్యాకుల అస్తిత్వాన్నే దేశ అస్తిత్వమని వాదిస్తారు. (భారత దేశంలో హిందువులు ఎక్కువ కాబట్టి హిందూ దేశంగా పిలవాలన్న డిమాండ్ ముందుకు వచ్చినట్లుగా) దేశీయంగా కానీ అంతర్జాతీయంగా కానీ ఓ అదృశ్య శత్రువును సృష్టించటం ఈ శక్తుల శాశ్వత వ్యూహం. ఎత్తుగడ. అటువంటి అదృశ్య శతృవుల వల్లనే ఈ మెజారిటేరియన్‌ అస్తిత్వానికి ముప్పు వాటిల్లుతున్నదన్నది ఫాసిస్టు శక్తుల ప్రచార వ్యూహం.

ఈ వ్యవహారాలన్నీ ప్రజల రోజువారీ సాధారణ జీవితానుభవంతో సంబంధం లేనివి. కానీ ప్రజలు రోజువారీ జీవితంలో ఎదుర్కునే సమస్యలు, ఇబ్బందులనుండి దృష్టి మళ్లించటానికి ఉపయోగపడతాయి.

నిజానికి ఫాసిజం అన్నది సర్వకాల సర్వావస్థలయందూ పాలకవర్గానికి అక్కరకొచ్చే పదం కావటంతో ఎవరు ఈ పదాన్ని ఏ అర్థంలో వాడుతున్నారో గుర్తించటం కూడా కష్టంగా ఉండేది. (ఫాసిజం ఓ విలక్షణ వ్యవహార శైలి అనీ, వివిధ సమాజాల్లో తలెత్తే ఫాసిస్టు లక్షణాల మధ్య సారూప్యతలు ఎంత ఎక్కువగా ఉంటాయో వైవిధ్యాలు, ప్రత్యేకతలు కూడా అంతే స్థాయిలో ఉంటాయని ఇటలీకి చెందిన పౌర మేధావి ఉంబర్టో ఎకో అభిప్రాయపడ్డారు). Umberto Eco Italian medievalist and philosopher

Vifilm Ric sociologist 

అంతర్గత ధోరణులు

ప్రతి సమాజంలోనూ కొన్ని అంతర్గత ధోరణులు ఆయా సమాజాల్లో ఫాసిజానికి పునాదులు వేస్తాయన్న వాస్తవాన్ని గుర్తించిన మొదటి సామాజిక శాస్త్రవేత్త విఫిల్మ్ రీక్. ఫాసిజం నిర్మించే సార్వత్రిక మానసికతే ఫాసిస్టు ఉద్యమాలకు బలమైన పునాదులు వేస్తుందన్నది ఆయన మౌలిక సూత్రీకరణ. ఈ భావజాలం సాధారణంగా జనాన్ని నిరంకుశ ధోరణులవైపు మొగ్గు చూపేలా చేసేది. దీనికి కారణం ఆయా సమాజాల్లో వేళ్లూనుకుని ఉన్న నియంతృత్వ ధోరణులు, పితృస్వామిక ధోరణులే అంటారు రీక్.

ఈ అధ్యయాన్ని ది మాస్ సైకాలజీ ఆఫ్ ఫాసిజం పేరుతో రీక్ తొలిసారి 1933లో ప్రచురించాడు. అప్పటికి జర్మనీలో నాజీయిజం అధికారానికి వచ్చింది. నాజీయిజం పనితీరును మరింత సన్నిహితంగా పరిశీలించిన తర్వాత రీక్ నిర్ధారణలు వాస్తవికమైనవనీ, శాస్త్రీయమైనవని రుజువు అయ్యింది. దాంతో ఆ పుస్తకాన్ని 1942లో పునర్ముద్రించారు.

‘‘ఫాసిస్టు మానసికత అంటే నిరంతరం భయాందోళనలతో కూడుకున్న వ్యక్తికి ఉండే మానసికతే. అధికారాన్ని ఆహ్వానించి ఆస్వాదిస్తూనే దాని పట్ల విముఖతను వ్యక్తం చేయటం ఆ మానసికతలో ఉన్న అంతర్గత వైరుధ్యం. ఫాసిజంలో అధికారాన్ని చేపట్టే నియంతలందరూ ఈ తరహా ప్రతీఘాత ధోరణులకు చెందిన వారే కావటం కాకతాళీయం కాదు.’’ అంటారు రీక్.

మొదటి ప్రపంచ యుద్ధం తర్వాత జర్మనీలో నాజీయిజాన్ని నెత్తికెత్తుకున్నది మధ్యతరగతి వృత్తిదారులు, చిన్నవ్యాపారులు, పెటీబూర్జువా వర్గం. ఈ వర్గాలు లోతైన పితృస్వామిక ధోరణులను కలిగి ఉంటాయి. ఇటువంటివారే నియంతృత్వం అధికారాంలో ఉన్నప్పుడు రాజ్యాంగ యంత్రం చేతిలో పావులుగా మారతారు.

ఈ శక్తులు నైతికత, గౌరవ ప్రతిష్టలు, సమాజం పట్ల బాధ్యత అన్న భావనలకు పెద్దపీట వేస్తాయి. ఇవే ఫాసిస్టు భావజాల ప్రచారంలో విస్తృతంగా ఉపయోగించే భావనలు. సాధారణ ప్రజలు దీన్ని నిర్దిష్ట లక్ష్యంతో సాగుతున్న ప్రచారంగా గుర్తించి అర్థం చేసుకోవడానికి బదులు ఇవన్నీ మనం ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహిస్తున్న విలువలే నని భావిస్తుంటారు.

నిజానికి ఈ శక్తులు నిజజీవితంలో నైతికతకు పెద్దగా ప్రాధాన్యత ఇవ్వవు. తాము చేసే వృత్తులు, వ్యాపారాల్లో చిన్నా చితకా మోసాలు వీరి జీవితాల్లో అత్యంత సాధారణంగా జరిగిపోయే పరిణామాలు. వారు ప్రతిపాదించే నైతికవిలువలు వ్యక్తిగత జీవితంలో పాటించే నైతిక విలువలు కాదు. ఈ నైతికత సార్వత్రిక నైతికత. అంటే సమాజం నైతికంగా ఉండాలని ప్రతిపాదిస్తారు తప్ప ఆ సమాజంలో నిర్దిష్ట స్థానంలో ఉన్న నిర్దిష్ట వ్యక్తులు నైతికతతో వ్యవహరించాలన్న సూత్రాన్ని అంగీకరించరు. పాటించరు.

రీక్ అధ్యయనంలో ఈ పరస్పర వైరుధ్యంలో కూడిన విలువలే ఫాసిస్టు మానసికతలో ముఖ్యాంశంగా ఉన్నాయి.

మనమూ × వాళ్లూ

20 శతాబ్ది ఆరంభం నాటి యూరప్‌ సమాజం గిడసబారిన సమాజం. 21వ శతాబ్ది సమాజం అత్యంత గతిశీలమైనది. 20వ శతాబ్ది నాటి సమాజం కంటే 21వ శతాబ్ది సమాజం మరింత వైవిధ్యమైనది. చీలికలు, పేలికలుగా ఉన్న సమాజం. సామాజిక మానసికత, దృక్ఫధాల విషయంలో 20వ శతాబ్ది సమాజానికి, 21వ శతాబ్ది సమాజానికీ మధ్య ఎన్నో సారూప్యతలున్నాయి. ఈ సారూప్యతలను అర్థం చేసుకోవడానికి రీక్ అధ్యయనాలు ఎలా ఉపయోగపడాయి? రోజువారీ జీవితంలో తీసుకునే ప్రజాకర్షక వైఖరి ఫాసిస్టు అనుకూల ధోరణులతో నిండి ఉంటుంది.

రాజకీయంగా పార్టీలు అమలు జరిపే ప్రజాకర్షక విధానాలకూ, రోజువారీ జీవితంలో ప్రజలు సార్వత్రికంగా పాటించే విధానాలకూ మధ్య తేడా ఉంటుంది. ప్రజలందరికీ సార్వత్రికంగా ఉండే అభిప్రాయాల్లో ముఖ్యమైనది సమాజం రెండు శిబిరాలుగా చీలి ఉంటుందన్న అభిప్రాయం. ఈ చీలిక నీతిమంతులు, అవినీతిమంతుల మధ్య అయినా ఉండొచ్చు. స్వఛ్చమైన జీవితాన్ని కోరుకునేవారు, అవినీతి కూపంలో కూరుకుపోయి సామాజిక ఆర్థికంగా విలాసవంతమైన జీవితాలనుభవించేవారూ గాను చీలిపోయి ఉండొచ్చు. వీరందరి వాదనంతా ఒకటే. మెజారిటీ ప్రజల మనోభావాల ఆధారంగానే రాజకీయాలు నడవాలన్నది వీరి వాదన. (ముడ్డే, కల్తవాస్సర్‌ సంయుక్త రచన 2017).

‘నేను సగటు ఓటరుకు ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహిస్తాను తప్ప అనువజ్ఞుడైన రాజకీయ నాయకుడిగా ఉండటానికి సిద్ధపడను’, ‘కీలకమైన విధాన నిర్ణయాలు జనాలే చేయాలి కానీ నాయకులు కాదు’, ‘రాజకీయాల్లో సంపన్నుల పాత్ర ప్రజల మనోభావాలకు ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహించదు’, ‘రాజకీయాల్లో రాజీలంటే మనం నమ్ముకున్న సూత్రాలను వదులుకోవడమే’ వంటి ప్రకటనలు ఈ ధోరణిని ప్రతిబింబిస్తాయి. (భారతదేశంలో గత పదేళ్లకాలంలో మోడీ నోట ఇటువంటి ప్రకటనలు వందలు వేలు వెలువడ్డాయి).

దేశం ఎదుర్కొంటున్న లోతైన, దీర్ఘకాల సమస్యలను, సామాజిక చెడులను సైతం చిటికెలో పరిష్కారం చేస్తానని వాగ్దానం చేయటం నియంతల లక్షణాల్లో ఒకటి. ఇటువంటి నియంతలు తరచూ తాము ప్రజల మనోభావాలకు, భయూందోళనలకూ ప్రాతినిధ్యం వహిస్తుంటారు. ట్రంప్‌, ఎర్గోడాన్‌, మోడి, బోల్సనారో వంటి స్వయంప్రకటిత శక్తిమాన్‌లు రాజకీయాలను ప్రభావితం చేస్తున్న కాలం ఇది. ఈ శక్తి సామర్ధ్యాలకూ నిజానికి వారికున్న వాస్తవిక శక్తి సామర్ధ్యాలకూ మధ్య ఎటువంటి పొంతనా ఉండదు. ఇటువంటి పాలకులు కీర్తివంతమైన, ప్రకాశవంతమైన ఊహాజనిత గతాన్ని మందుకు తెస్తుంటారు.

భారతదేశంలో ముస్లింల ప్రవేశానికి ముందున్న కాలం, పోలండ్‌లో 14వ శతాబ్దిలో కలిమిర్‌ ది గ్రేట్‌ పాలనా కాలం, స్వీడన్‌లో 1950, 1960 దశకాల కాలాలను ఇటువంటి ఘనకీర్తిగల కాలాలుగా ప్రచారం చేస్తూ ఉంటారు. అంటే అన్యమతస్తులు, అన్యదేశస్తులు ఆయా దేశాల్లోకి ప్రవేశించని కాలం అత్యంత గొప్పదిగా చెప్పబడుతూ ఉండేది. (ప్రస్తుతం ఆరెస్సెస్‌, సనాతన ధర్మరక్షకులుగా తమను తాము ఫోజు పెట్టుకుంటున్న వారు ముందుకు తెస్తున్న వాదనలను ఈ విశ్లేషణతో పోల్చి చూడవచ్చు).

వర్గ విభజనను అధిగమించి మరీ...

ప్రస్తుత శతాబ్ది ఆరంభానంతరం యూరోపియన్‌ దేశాల్లో పెచ్చరిల్లుతున్న మెజారిటీ అనుకూల ధోరణులు గురించిన చాలా పరిశోధనలు అందుబాటులో ఉన్నాయి.

ఈ ప్రజాకర్షక రాజకీయాలు ప్రజాస్వామ్యానికి విరుద్ధమైనది మాత్రమే కాదు. పూర్తి ప్రతికూలమైనది కూడా. ఈ రాజకీయాలు నిజానికి ప్రజాస్వామ్య వ్యక్తీకరణలుగా ఉంటూనే మరోవైపు అదే ప్రజాస్వామ్యంపై విశ్వాసాన్ని కోల్పోయిన తీరును కూడా చర్చకు తెస్తాయి.

ఆధునిక సమాజాలు ఎన్నో సమస్యలతో అతలాకుతలమవుతున్నాయి. మరీ ముఖ్యంగా జనానికి ఏదికావాలన్న విషయంలో ఎన్నో సవాళ్లు, సమస్యలు. రాజ్యాంగబద్దమైన పాలనలో రాజీలు తప్పవు. సమన్యాయం అంటే అన్ని విషయాల్లోనూ అందరికీ సమాన అవకావశాలు కల్పించటం. అయితే దేశం ఎదుర్కొంటున్న సంక్లిష్టమైన సమస్యలకు తేలికపాటి పరిష్కారాలు ప్రజాస్వామిక సమాజంలో ఎదురయ్యే సంక్లిష్టమైన చాయిస్‌లు, రాజీలు, వాటితో ముడిపడి ఉన్న రాజ్యాంగబద్ధత గురించిస సమస్యలను ముందుకు తెస్తాయి. సత్వర న్యాయం లాగా సత్వర పరిష్కారం గురించిన ధోరణులు ముందుకు రావటంతో చట్టబద్ధపాలన సాంప్రదాయాన్ని భూస్థాపితం చేస్తుంది. రాజకీయ వర్గం విఫలం అయ్యిందన్న వాదన, అవినీతి కూడా ఈ ధోరణులకు పెద్దఎత్తున తోడ్పడుతుంది. (యుపిఎ హయాం గురించిన విమర్శల్లో పాలసీ పరాలసిస్‌, ఇండియా ఎగనెస్ట్‌ కరప్షన్‌ వంటి నినాదాలును ఈ కోణంలో పున:పరిశీలించాలి.)

సాంప్రదాయంగా అల్పసంఖ్యాకవర్గాలకు ప్రాతినిధ్యం కలిగించటం అంటేనే మెజారిటీ ప్రజల ప్రయోజనాలకు నష్టం కలిగిస్తుందన్న వాదన కూడా తరచూ ముందుకొస్తుంది (2014 తర్వాత చట్టసభల్లో ముస్లింల ప్రాధాన్యతను రద్దు చేయటానికి సంఘపరివారం ఇటువంటి వాదనలే ముందుకు తేవడాన్ని ఈ నేపథ్యంలో చూడాలి).

ఆదాయం, సంపదల్లో అసమానతలు కొట్టొచ్చినట్లు కనిపిస్తున్నప్పటికీ సమాజంలో మితవాద రాజకీయాలకు, ఫాసిస్టు శక్తులవైపు మొగ్గు పెరుగుతూ ఉండటం గమనించాల్సిన అంశం. పరస్పర విరుద్ధమైన వర్గ ప్రయోజనాల మధ్య ఉండే వ్యతిరేకత సార్వత్రిక విలువలు, వాటికి సంబంధించిన నినాదాల ముందు కనుమరుగవుతున్నది. సమాజం ఆర్థిక సామాజిక ప్రయోజనాల ఆధారితంగా చీలిపోవడానికి బదులు విలువల ఆధారిత వ్యవస్థగా చీలిపోతుంది. ఈ విలువలను తరచూ ఉదార విధానాలతోనో, సాంప్రదాయకతతోనో ముడిపెట్టం జరుగుతోంది.

వర్తమాన పరిస్థితుల్లో ఈ ఉమ్మడి మానసికత అనూహ్యంగా విస్తరించటానికి కావల్సిన ఆంతరంగిక కారణాలు, పరిస్థితులు ఉన్నాయి. దీనికి గల కారణాలును మనం లోతుగా పరిశీలిస్తే అంతిమంగా వీటిని రెండే రెండు కారణాలుగా వర్గీకరించవచ్చు. అస్తిత్వ రాజకీయాలు. కక్షసాధింపు రాజకీయాలు.

నూతన తరహా నిరంకుశత్వం

సాంప్రదాయక ఫాసిజం మళ్లీ తలెత్తుతుందా లేక నూతన తరహా నిరంకుశత్వం రాజ్యమేలుతుందా?

ఈ విషయంలో గతం కొన్ని గుణపాఠాలు నేర్పుతున్నా వర్తమానాన్ని దాని నిర్దిష్ట పరిస్థితుల నేపథ్యంలో అర్థం చేసుకోవాల్సిందే.

ఇటలీ ఫాసిజం యూరప్‌ దేశాల్లో తలెత్తిన తొలి మితవాద నిరంకుశ ప్రభుత్వం. తర్వాతి రెండు దశాబ్దాల్లో వివిధ దేశాల్లో ఈ ఫాసిస్టు శక్తులు వేర్వేరు మోతాదుల్లో విజయం సాధిస్తూ వచ్చాయి.

నిర్దిష్టతల్లో తేడాలున్నా ఈ ఉద్యమాల మధ్య కొన్ని ఉమ్మడి లక్షణాలను మనం గమనించవచ్చు : అధినాయకుడి పట్ల ఆరాధన, అర్థసైనిక స్వభావం కలిగిన సంఘ నిర్మాణాలు, అతివాద జాతీయవాదం, ఇతరులను వెలివేసే విధానాలు ఏ దేశంలోనైనా ఫాసిజంలో కనిపించే ఉమ్మడి లక్షణాలు. చట్టం ముందు అందరూ సమానులే అన్న సూత్రాన్ని తుంగలో తొక్కటమే కాక ఉదార ప్రజాస్వామిక విలువల స్థానంలో అణచివేతతతో కూడిన విచక్షాధికారాలు పాలనా వ్యవస్థలుగా మారతాయి. ( సిబిఐ, ఈ డి వంటి సంస్థల దాడులు ఉదాహరణగా చూడవచ్చు) రాజ్యాధికారం తమ రాజకీయ శతృవులకు వ్యతిరేకంగా మరింత హింసను రెచ్చగొట్టేందుకు పనిముట్టుగా మారుతుంది. వర్తమాన నియంతృత్వ పాలనల్లో కూడా ఈ లక్షణాలను మనం గమనించవచ్చు. అయితే సాంప్రదాయక ఫాసిజానికి సంబంధించిన సారూప్యతలు ఇక్కడితో ఆగిపోతాయి. తమ సిద్ధాంతం వైపు యావత్‌ సమాజాన్ని లొంగదీసుకోవటానికి ఆధునిక ఫాసిస్టు శక్తులు రాజ్యాంగ వ్యవస్థలనూ, న్యాయస్థానాలనూ, ప్రజాతంత్ర వ్యవస్థలోని సాధనాలనూ, చట్టబద్ధమైన రూపాలను, మాస్‌ మీడియాను ఉపయోగించుకుంటాయి.

ఈ నూతన తరహా నియంతలు ప్రజాస్వామ్యాన్ని పూర్తిగా రద్దు చేయరు. దానికి భిన్నంగా తమతమ వికృత చర్యలన్నిటినీ సమర్ధించుకోవడానికి ఈ ప్రజాస్వామిక వ్యవస్థలను సాధనాలుగా మార్చుకుంటారు. జనం తమ విధానాలను సహిస్తే సరిపోదు. భక్తులుగా మారి ఈ నయా నియంతల నిర్ణయాలన్నిటినీ క్రియాశీలకంగా సమర్ధించేవారిగా మారాలని కోరుకుంటారు. అబద్ధాలూ, మోసాలకూ ఎంత బాహాటంగా బరితెగించి పాల్పడతారో ప్రజలు అంతే భారీ సంఖ్యలో వీరి కుతంత్రాలను సమర్ధిస్తూ ఉండటం, వాస్తవాన్ని పూర్తిగా విస్మరించటం నయా ఫాసిస్టు లక్షణాల్లో కొట్టొచ్చినట్లు కనిపించే మరో వాస్తవం.

మరోమాటగా చెప్పాలంటే ఫాసిస్టు రాజకీయాలను ఓ పద్ధతి ప్రకారం వ్యవస్థలో ప్రవేశపెట్టి పెంచి పోషిస్తూ ఉంటారు. నయా ఫాసిజంలో ప్రజలు కేవలం ఈ విధానాలకు బలయ్యేవారిగా మిగిలిపోవటమే కాదు. ఈ విధానాలను ముందుకు తీసుకువెళ్లే పనిముట్లుగా మారతారు. దీని సమర్ధకులు కేవలం మాటమాత్రమైన సమర్ధకులుగానో, లేక ఓటర్లుగానో మిగిలిపోరు. అటువంటి నయా ఫాసిస్టు పాలకులకు, పాలనకు ఎదురొడ్డి నిలిచే వారిని, అదృశ్య శతృవులను రాక్షసులుగా చూపించటంలో క్రియాశీలక పాత్రధారులుగా ఉంటారు. (వర్తమానం లో సామాజిక మాధ్యమాల్లో జరుగుతున్న ట్రొలింగ్ ను దీనికి ఉదాహరణగా చూడవచ్చు) సాధారణ ప్రజలను కూడా ఫాసిజం ఆవహిస్తే తలెత్తే పరిస్థితులు ఇవి.

ఈ శక్తులకు అంతముండదా?

ఈ విస్తృత ప్రజానీకాన్ని వెర్రెక్కించటంలో ప్రతి మనిషి తనదైన పాత్ర పోషిస్తాడు. అటువంటి వ్యక్తులు గుంటర్‌ గ్రాస్‌ నవల టిన్‌ డ్రమ్‌లో కథానాయకుడు ఆస్కార్‌ లాగా నిరంతర మరగుజ్జులుగానే మిగిలిపోతారు. బావిలోని కప్పల్లానే ఉండిపోతారు. భౌతికవాస్తవికతను చూడటానికి వీలుగా మానసిక పరిణతి సాధించేందుకు సిద్ధంకారు. ఇటువంటివారి నిశ్శబ్ద రోదన ప్రజాస్వామ్యమనే గాజు మేడను కూల్చేస్తుంది. ఈ ఆస్కార్‌లు ఎదిగినప్పుడు తమ స్వతంత్రతను పున:ప్రతిష్టించుకున్నపుపడు విధ్వంసక లక్షణాలను త్యజిస్తారు.

గుంటర్‌ గ్రాస్‌ నవలలో లాగా ప్రజాస్వామ్యం పరిఢవిల్లినప్పుడు ఫాసిజం దానంతటదే మరణశయ్యపై చేరుతుందన్న నమ్మకంతో నిజజీవితంలో జీవించటం అంత తేలికైన పనేమీ కాదు. నిజానికి జీవితాంతం ఫాసిస్టు వ్యతిరేకిగా ఉన్న గుంటర్‌ గ్రాస్‌ కూడా తర్వాతి దశలో ఫాసిజాన్ని పటిష్టపర్చటంలో భాగస్వామి అవుతాడు. 

కౌషిక్‌ జయరాం

అనువాదం: కొండూరి వీరయ్య

రచయిత బ్యాంక్‌ ఫర్‌ ఇంటన్నేషనల్‌ సెటిల్మెంట్స్‌లో పని చేశారు. ఆర్థిక, సాంకేతిక, బ్యాంకింగ్‌ రంగాల్లో నాలుగు దశాబ్దాల అనుభవం గడించారు.


Fascism vs. Neo-Fascism: Key Differences

1. **Historical Context**:

- **Fascism**: Emerged in the early 20th century (e.g., Mussolini’s Italy, 1922–1943; Nazi Germany, 1933–1945) as a response to post-WWI instability, economic crises, and fear of communism.

- **Neo-Fascism**: Developed post-WWII, adapting to modern challenges like globalization, multiculturalism, and post-Cold War geopolitics. Examples include Italy’s MSI (1946–1995) and contemporary groups like Greece’s Golden Dawn (2010s).

2. **Ideological Adaptations**:

- **Fascism**: Emphasized state-controlled corporatist economies, militarism, and overt racial hierarchies (e.g., Nazi Aryan supremacy).

- **Neo-Fascism**: Often adopts free-market elements while promoting protectionist nationalism. Uses coded language (e.g., “cultural preservation”) rather than explicit racism, though xenophobic and anti-immigrant stances persist.

3. **Rhetoric and Tactics**:

- **Fascism**: Relied on paramilitary force, charismatic leadership, and overt suppression of dissent (e.g., Blackshirts, Gestapo).

- **Neo-Fascism**: Utilizes democratic processes, social media, and populist rhetoric (e.g., anti-elitism, “defending traditional values”). May deny historical fascist crimes or rebrand to avoid stigma.

4. **Cultural and Social Focus**:

- **Fascism**: Enforced strict gender roles, persecuted minorities, and promoted state-centric propaganda.

- **Neo-Fascism**: Leverages modern issues (e.g., anti-immigration, anti-EU sentiment) and conspiracy theories (e.g., “Great Replacement”). Often frames itself as opposing “political correctness” or “globalism.”

5. **Globalization and Technology**:

- **Fascism**: Focused on national autarky and territorial expansion.

- **Neo-Fascism**: Opposes multiculturalism and globalization while exploiting digital platforms for recruitment and disinformation.

6. **Structural Organization**:

- **Fascism**: Centralized, hierarchical regimes with single-party rule.

- **Neo-Fascism**: May operate through decentralized networks, legal political parties, or militant subgroups, avoiding overt militarism to evade legal repercussions.

**Core Similarities**:

Both ideologies prioritize ultranationalism, authoritarianism, anti-liberalism, and the suppression of dissent. They often scapegoat marginalized groups and idealize a mythologized past.

**Conclusion**:

Neo-Fascism modernizes Fascist principles to fit contemporary contexts, employing updated rhetoric and tactics while retaining authoritarian and exclusionary foundations. Understanding these differences is critical for identifying and countering such movements in the 21st century.

In this sense fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist state which is the synthesis and unity of every value, interprets, develops and strengthens the entire life of the people. — Benito Mussolini and 

The Doctrine of Fascism (1932) by Giovanni Gentile. - Explain major observation on fascism in this book. Provide the important quotations 


Political power, economic Strength

రాజకీయ అధికారం, ఆర్ధిక శక్తి 



ఫాసిజం - నియో-ఫాసిజం: కీలకమైన వ్యత్యాసాలు

సంక్రాంతి రవి

**ఫాసిజం vs. నియో-ఫాసిజం: కీలకమైన వ్యత్యాసాలు**

**చారిత్రక నేపథ్యం **:

**ఫాసిజం**: 20వ శతాబ్దం ప్రారంభంలో (ఉదాహరణకు, ముస్సోలినీ ఇటలీ, 1922–1943; నాజీ జర్మనీ, 1933–1945) రెండవ ప్రపంచ యుద్ధానంతర అస్థిరత, ఆర్థిక సంక్షోభాలు, మరియు కమ్యూనిజం భూతం వెంటాడుతున్నదనే భయానికి ప్రతిస్పందనగా ఉద్భవించింది.

- **నియో-ఫాసిజం**: రెండవ ప్రపంచ యుద్ధం తరువాత అభివృద్ధి చెందింది, ప్రపంచీకరణ, బహుళ సాంస్కృతికత, ప్రచ్ఛన్న యుద్ధానంతర భౌగోళిక రాజకీయాలు వంటి ఆధునిక సవాళ్లకు అనుగుణంగా మారింది. ఉదాహరణలలో ఇటలీ యొక్క MSI (1946–1995), గ్రీస్ యొక్క గోల్డెన్ డాన్ (2010లు) వంటి సమకాలీన సమూహాలు ఉన్నాయి.

**సైద్ధాంతిక అనుసరణలు**:

- **ఫాసిజం**: రాజ్య నియంత్రిత కార్పొరేటిస్ట్ ఆర్థిక వ్యవస్థలు, సైనికవాదం, బహిరంగ జాతి వారసత్వాలను (ఉదా., నాజీ ఆర్యన్ ఆధిపత్యం) నొక్కిచెప్పారు.

- **నయా-ఫాసిజం**: తరచుగా స్వేచ్చా మార్కెట్ అంశాలను స్వీకరిస్తూనే రక్షణాత్మక జాతీయవాదాన్ని ప్రోత్సహిస్తుంది. స్పష్టమైన జాత్యహంకారానికి బదులుగా సంకేత భాషను ఉపయోగిస్తుంది (ఉదా., "సాంస్కృతిక పరిరక్షణ"), అయితే విదేశీయుల పట్ల ద్వేషం, వలస వ్యతిరేక వైఖరులు కొనసాగుతున్నాయి.

**వాక్చాతుర్యం మరియు వ్యూహాలు**:

- **ఫాసిజం**: పారామిలిటరీ బలగాలు, ఆకర్షణీయమైన నాయకత్వం, అసమ్మతిని బహిరంగంగా అణచివేయడం (ఉదా., బ్లాక్‌షర్టులు, గెస్టపో)పై ఆధారపడింది.

- **నయా-ఫాసిజం**: ప్రజాస్వామ్య ప్రక్రియలు, సోషల్ మీడియా,జనాదరణ పొందిన వాక్చాతుర్యాన్ని (ఉదా., కులీనత పట్ల వ్యతిరేకత, “సాంప్రదాయ విలువలను సమర్థించడం”) ఉపయోగించుకుంటుంది. అవమానాన్ని నివారించడానికి చారిత్రక ఫాసిస్ట్ నేరాలను లేదా బ్రాండ్‌ను మార్చవచ్చు.

**సాంస్కృతిక మరియు సామాజిక దృష్టి**:

**ఫాసిజం**: కఠినమైన లింగ భేదాన్ని అంటే పురుషాధిక్యాన్ని బలవంతంగా అమలు చేయడం, మైనారిటీలను హింసించడం,రాజ్య -కేంద్రీకృత ప్రచారాన్ని ప్రోత్సహించడం.

- **నయా-ఫాసిజం**: ఆధునిక సమస్యలను (ఉదా., వలస వ్యతిరేకత, EU వ్యతిరేకత), కుట్ర సిద్ధాంతాలను (ఉదా., “గ్రేట్ రీప్లేస్‌మెంట్”/భారీ బదలాయింపులు) ప్రభావితం చేస్తుంది. తరచుగా తనను తాను “సరైన రాజకీయ ప్రత్యామ్నాయంగా” లేదా “ప్రపంచీకరణను” వ్యతిరేకించేదిగా చిత్రీకరించుకుంటుంది.

5. **ప్రపంచీకరణ మరియు సాంకేతికత**:

- **ఫాసిజం**: జాతీయ నిరంకుశత్వం, ప్రాదేశిక విస్తరణపై దృష్టి పెట్టడం.

- **నయా-ఫాసిజం**: సాంస్కృతిక బహుళత్వాన్ని, ప్రపంచీకరణను వ్యతిరేకిస్తుంది, అదే సమయంలో నియామకాలు, అసత్య ప్రచారాల కోసం డిజిటల్ ప్లాట్‌ఫారమ్‌లను వినియోగిస్తుంది.

6. **వ్యవస్థాగత నిర్మాణం **:

*ఫాసిజం**: ఒకే పార్టీ పాలనతో కేంద్రీకృత వారసత్వ పాలనలు.

**నయా-ఫాసిజం**: వికేంద్రీకృత నెట్‌వర్క్‌లు, చట్టపరమైన రాజకీయ పార్టీలు లేదా మిలిటెంట్ ఉప సమూహాల ద్వారా పనిచేయవచ్చు, చట్టపరమైన పరిణామాలను నివారించడానికి బహిరంగ సైనికవాదాన్ని నివారించవచ్చు.

**ప్రధాన సారూప్యతలు**:

తీవ్ర జాతీయవాదానికి, నిరంకుశత్వానికి, ఉదారవాద వ్యతిరేకతకి, భిన్నాభిప్రాయాలను అణచివేయడానికి, రెండు సిద్ధాంతాలు ప్రాధాన్యతనిస్తాయి. అవి తరచుగా అణగారిన సమూహాలను బలిపశువుగా చేస్తాయి, పౌరాణిక గతాన్ని ఆదర్శంగా తీసుకుంటాయి.

**ముగింపు**:

నయా-ఫాసిజం సమకాలీన సందర్భాలకు సరిపోయేలా ఫాసిస్ట్ సూత్రాలను ఆధునీకరిస్తుంది, నిరంకుశ, వెలివేతల మూలాలను నిలుపుకుంటూనే నవీన వాక్చాతుర్యం, వ్యూహాలను ఉపయోగిస్తుంది. 21వ శతాబ్దంలో ఇటువంటి ఉద్యమాలను గుర్తించడానికి మరియు ఎదుర్కోవడానికి ఈ తేడాలను అర్థం చేసుకోవడం చాలా కీలకం.

Monday, February 24, 2025

Ajit Doval Doctrine of Defensive Offence

 Understanding the Doval Doctrine of Defensive Offence

10 October, 2016

Nithesh S

On 21st February 2014, Ajit Doval, the then director of the Vivekananda International Foundation delivered the Nani Palkhiwala memorial lecture at the Sastra University. (SASTRA Deemed University,  Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu ) The lecture was a summary of of his approach and thinking on the appropriate strategic response to terrorism. The same thought process seems to have translated into action during his tenure as the NSA under the current NDA regime. Any journalist worth his salt would have written a detailed report on this lecture by now.

Instead our journalists have chosen to write articles with cherry-picked phrases and lines that sound good in the context of current affairs. At the same time, they have chosen not to report the parts of Mr Doval’s lecture that would otherwise tarnish the image of certain political figures/parties.

Doval has outlined ways in which India could make it costly for Pakistan to continue its policy of supporting terror in his address. Though some in the media might have seen the entire speech, they have been smart enough to pick parts that suit the hot topics of the day and ignore the rest purposefully.

It was also fashionable to mention this speech after Prime Minister Narendra Modi mentioned Balochistan in his Independence Day address. The phrase ‘defensive offense’ has become a very popular phrase in the English media after the recent surgical strikes on terror launch pads across LoC.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v4RaCJrT51w

For the benefit of those who  haven’t/can’t/ not interested to watch the entire video, I am putting down the key messages in my summary below. My comments are in brackets:

Interaction With the  Senior-most Political Leadership on POTA in 2004

Mr Doval begins by narrating an anecdote when the newly elected government was eager to repeal POTA after 2004 polls. (Mr Doval was the chief of Intelligence at that time). He comments that the political establishment had placed politics above the national interests.

His fervent request not to repeal the only law in India that makes terrorism as a punishable crime was eventually downplayed and ignored.

In the Q and A session he emphatically states that POTA was a disgrace and a toothless anti terror law when compared to anti terror laws in the West.

Doval’s Two Axioms for Developing an Anti Terror Strategy

 Accept reality as it is and not as you wish it was.

 You can never defeat an enemy that you cannot define. 

(These two axioms are relevant not only in the area of defence or anti- terror strategy, but in almost any realm of life.)

One the Nature of Terror

He laments that India has fought terror so far only on newspaper columns.

At this juncture, the current NSA throws a question to himself.

         What makes Jihadi Terror a strategic threat ?

Jihadi terror is sponsored by a country that harbors deep hatred and hostility towards India and is directed at destroying India. This is an asymmetric warfare whose chief characteristics are covert actions with a high degree of deniability. This could also be called war through other means. This agenda is achieved at a very nominal cost by the enemy ~ Rs 180 crore per year. The cost of maintaining a formal army battalion is about 30 crores. At the cost of about 6 to 7 battalions this war can be sustained. He also mentions that India’s ‘No first use policy’ of nuclear weapons is also an advantage to the enemy as Pakistan can use it in the event of a formal military confrontation.

He also mentions the need to accept the pan Islamic dimension to the problem of terror. The ideology of terror has found some takers in Islam due to propaganda and insecurities of the community in several areas of the world. However, he categorically mentions that this percentage is very small in the world and India.

He underscores the fact that the 17 crore Muslim population in India is largely patriotic, but the exposure to internet and the ability of some individuals to connect and sympathize with global causes and incidents puts our Muslim citizens at risk of radicalization.

He also points out that all wars cannot be won through the might of the armed forces. He cites example of the loss of Soviets in Afghanistan and the loss of USA in Vietnam.

Political Islam and the History of Jihadi Ideology

Terrorism, he says is a tactic to achieve a political and ideological objective. Terrorists do not target the dead people in an act of terror. The people who see the death of those who die are the actual targets. This is a means to bend the enemy to accept the political or ideological objective.

Jihadi terror does not have much to do with fundamental Islam. It is true only to some extent. Following a lifestyle as per the holy book in personal/religious life does not affect the world. Jihad has more to do with political agenda. He calls this agenda driven fundamentalism as ‘Political Islam’ which dates back to 13th Century, a time when a scholar named Ibn Taymiyyah issued the infamous Mardin Fatwa. This Fatwa glorified Jihad even against  Muslims (in this case Mongols) to achieve a political agenda during his times. Taymiyyah was rejected during his times, but his idea lived on. The same scholar has inspired dreaded terrorists like Osama bin Laden and SIMI.

 On Smothering Terror/ Terrorist Organisations

‘Smothering is a firefighting term’ , he begins. He remarks that tackling Pakistan is a key part in the fight on terror. Any enemy can be engaged in the defensive mode, defensive offence or the offensive mode. He notes that nuclear threat comes only when we go for the full offensive mode. He observes that we are working only in the defensive mode.

In the defensive offense, we work on the vulnerabilities of the enemy. This could include diplomatic isolation, exposing the terror sponsorship  and making management of internal politics difficult for the enemy. In the defensive mode, we can either get hurt or end up in a stalemate. There is no chance of victory. In the defensive offense mode, the enemy will find it unaffordable for them to continue the asymmetric terror war.

He warns against doubting or losing confidence in the Indian security establishment due to the losses caused by the defensive mode of our securities. So far, we have been successful in foiling the designs of Pakistan in Kashmir.

On smothering terrorist organisations he calls for the denial of three things. The funds, manpower and the weapons. He calls that the terrorists are mercenaries who will side with those who are having a bigger budget. Covert operations , usage of technology and intelligence driven operations are listed as key requirements to defeat terror.

He calls intelligence driven war as a fourth generation war. This requires a paradigm shift in response to the terror threat. Old methods of war that involved infantry, ammunition, blitzkrieg are over and obselete. In the fourth generation war, the enemy lies within the civil society. The state has the task of identifying the enemy where as the enemy does not have this challenge. Hence, intelligence capabilities are crucial in winning the fourth generation war according to Mr Doval.

Conclusion

We need “A strong decisive leadership to give  a strong message to terrorists and its sponsors and provide security to the citizens,” Mr Doval concludes. He appends two important remarks towards the end of his lecture.

 Strategy without tactics is noise before defeat . Convert the plans to actionable points to achieve the objective of national security. If the strategy is not backed up with capabilities, funds and facilities.

Only tactics without strategy is the shortest way to suicide.

Both tactics and strategy are required to solve the problem of terror in the future.

Q & A  Session

The question and answer slot was also very interesting for me as an audience. Questions raised by the audience were on India’s response to 26/11, Ishrat Jahan case, US financial assistance to Pakistan and POTA. I recommend the reader to fast forward to the time 1:08:00 on the video shared in this article for seeing the Mr Doval’s answers. (A bit of suspense is good)

In fact, I strongly recommend the reader to watch the entire lecture. This will enhance the faith of  common citizens in the current national security establishment.


The Doval doctrine

The National Security Adviser’s policy prescription is marked by three themes: irrelevance of morality, extremism freed from calculation or calibration, and reliance on military might.

Published : Oct 28, 2015 12:30 IST

A.G. Noorani

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and National Security Adviser Ajit Doval on the Metro in New Delhi on April 25.

LONG before he became Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s National Security Adviser (NSA), Ajit K. Doval had acquired a deserved reputation as a hawk. This former Director of the Intelligence Bureau (I.B.) was characterised by A.S. Dulat, the former head of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), as “the hawkish Ajit Doval”. Doval retired in January 2005. No shrinking violet, he let loose a flurry of articles in the press soon thereafter. As the NSA, he has capped it with statements to the press and a couple of lectures in which he bared his outlook for all to see.

A 1968 batch Indian Police Service officer of the Kerala Cadre, he went on to perform exploits with all the gusto of a commando: infiltration into the then underground Mizo National Front to win over its top commanders; walk into the Golden Temple in Amritsar posing as a Pakistani agent months before the Operation Black Thunder in 1988 to obtain intelligence; and a seven-year tour of duty in Pakistan.

The articles he wrote in the decade between his retirement as Director I.B. (2005) and assumption of office as the NSA (2014) should be compiled for the citizen to be better informed about him. In this period, he headed the Vivekananda International Foundation. His son heads the Indira Foundation. Ali Ahmed, author of the highly regarded India’s Doctrine Puzzle: Limiting Wars in South Asia (Routledge, Rs.695), noted that the foundations’ “web pages on culture …reflect the Hindutva narrative” and aptly remarked: “Ideology leads to a colouring of perceptions of national interest, with corresponding knock-on impact on national security.… Policy entrepreneurship and individual hyperactivism are recipes for personal and, worse, institutional failure with prohibitive national security concerns” ( Kashmir Times , September 11, 2015). The marked deterioration in relations with India’s neighbours proves this point.

With advisers like these: Ajit Doval's disregard for letter and spirit of Constitution

With utter disregard for the letter and spirit of the Constitution, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval shocks civil society by harping on “fourth generation warfare” and belittling the commitment of dedicated social activists in his address to new IPS officers.

Published : Dec 13, 2021 06:00 IST

K.S. Subramanian

NSA Ajit Kumar Doval   at the passing out parade of IPS probationers, in Hyderabad on November 12.

In order to highlight national security threats to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Kumar Doval, while addressing Indian Police Service (IPS) probationers at their passing out parade, drew their attention to the “frontiers of fourth generation warfare” in civil society, which could be “subverted, suborned, divided and manipulated” by the enemies of the nation. The parade was held at the National Police Academy, Hyderabad, on November 11, 2021. At this important national function, Doval did not make any reference to the Constitution of India, the Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy enshrined in it, or the Oath of Office that binds entrants to the all-India services to work for the poor and the underprivileged.

Aruna Roy, the eminent social activist, Magsaysay Award winner and author of The RTI Story: Power to the People, 2018 , said that Doval failed to define his terms and asked what gave him the authority to declare a “fourth generation war” on our own people. According to her, he was hurting the spirit of the Constitution and questioning the commitment of dedicated social activists.

His social theory legitimised the efforts of the political executive and the private sector as nation-building and painted adversarial advocacy by organised citizens’ groups of civil society as undermining development and nationalism.