Philosophy: Jinnah, Urdu and State Language

Jinnah, Urdu and State Language

Let me make it very clear to you that the state language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah in a public meeting at the Race Course Maidan, Dhaka, on 21 March 1948

Quaid-e-Azam declares Urdu as state language in East Bengal in 1948

In the height of civic unrest, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the all-powerful leader of Pakistan (he was governor general, president of the constituent assembly and president of the ruling Muslim League all at once), arrived in Dhaka in the afternoon of 19 March 1948 on what would be his first and last visit to the eastern province of the country he and the Muslim League had created months earlier. Thousands of people assembled at the airport to welcome him and several thousands gathered by the roadside to have a glimpse of him. However, as events were to show, Jinnah would only make matters worse for himself and for Pakistan during his Dhaka visit by rekindling the language issue.

During his nine day stay, he delivered several speeches in Dhaka and Chittagong, including two speeches in English in Dhaka.

Declaration of "Urdu, and no other language" at civic reception at Ramna Race Course Maidan

On 21 March 1948, Jinnah addressed a huge public rally at the Ramna Race Course Maidan (currently Suhrawardy Uddyan), where he warned the people of East Bengal to be on guard against the activities of "subversive elements" out to divide and destroy Pakistani Muslims. In his long speech Jinnah spoke about conspiracies by communists and fifth columnists (or internal mischief makers) to undo Pakistan. He warned that no mercy would be shown to quislings (i.e. traitors who collaborate with enemies), though he did not mention who the quislings were. Jinnah further declared that "Urdu, and no other language" embodied the spirit of Muslim nations and would remain as the state language, labelling those who disagreed with his views as "Enemies of Pakistan".

Let me make it very clear to you that the state language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language. Anyone who tries to mislead you is really the enemy of Pakistan. Without one state language, no nation can remain tied up solidly together and function. Look at the history of other countries. Therefore, so far as the state language is concerned, Pakistan’s shall be Urdu.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah in a public meeting at the Race Course Maidan, Dhaka, on 21 March 1948

These comments fuelled enormous anger and resentment in the hearts of the Bengalis of East Bengals and prompted voices of protest even at the public rally. And as Bangladesh's history was to later show, it was a line of thinking that would be adopted by all Pakistani rulers and other West Pakistani politicians every time legitimate demands for social and political justice were made by Bangali, such as the 1971 autonomy.

Jinnah left to the government and to the elected representatives the job of deciding for themselves what language should be used by the administration, in education and in the courts - for East Bengal alone. He was delighted that Khawaja Nazimuddin had been so firm in his efforts to restore order. He considered the promises made by the Chief Minister to the students invalid, saying they had been extorted from him. He overruled the contract that was signed by Khawaja Nazimuddin with the student leaders which contained the 8-Point agreement.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah visited East Pakistan from 19 - 28 March 1948. The visit was a disaster, seeing that instead of reassuring the Bangla-speaking people of his country on the language issue he ended up making them angrier than they were before.

For perhaps the very first time in his long political career, Jinnah came face to face with a situation where he was not exactly looked upon as a revered individual. He, like so many other Pakistani rulers after him, smelled a conspiracy in the demand for Bangla as a state language.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)

Jinnah's abrasive remarks were severely condemned by Prof Abul Kashem who, on the same day, came down hard on the governor general's attempt to paint the advocates of Bangla as fifth columnists and communists and as enemies of Pakistan. Two days later, on 23 March 1948, Sher-e-Bangla AK Fazlul Huq denied that there were any quislings, fifth columnists or enemies of Pakistan. He made it clear that Jinnah's language had not been polite and that his insistence on Urdu being the state language of Pakistan had been wrong.

This insinuation that support for Bangla meant disloyalty to the unity of Pakistan meant that, through the act of speech, Bengalis became disloyal citizens from the outset of Pakistan's nationbuilding. He [Jinnah] expressed similar feelings two days later, at a Dhaka University convocation. As such, the political elite, especially the 'visionary' of Pakistan, framed the language controversy as a commitment on the part of loyal citizens to the unity of the Islamic identity of Pakistan - contrary to the traitors and enemies of the new country.

Bina D'Costa, author of "Nationbuilding, Gender and War Crimes in South Asia" (2011)

On this occasion, Jinnah - who had no doubt been badly advised - lacked his customary shrewdness.

Christoph Jaffrelot, editor of "A History Of Pakistan And Its Origins" (2002)

Reaffirms Urdu stance at Dhaka University

But the speech that created the biggest uproar was the one that Jinnah delivered to the special convocation of Dhaka University at Curzon Hall on 24 March 1948. Here, he was the chief guest tasked with awarding graduation certificates. In his speech to the students he dwelt on the refugee issue, the need to guard against conspiracies and the place of Urdu in national life. Jinnah linked support for Bengali with opposition to Pakistan, calling advocates of the Bengali language enemies of Pakistan, Communists, and traitors, among other terms.

Once again, he showed his strong categorical and emphatic support for Urdu by advocating that it would the state language, since it was 'nurtured by 100 million Muslims' and 'embodies the best in Islamic culture'. He linked language with national unity when he declared that "without one state language, no nation can remain tied up solidly together and function".

Unlike your predecessors you fortunately leave this university to enter life under a sovereign, independent state of your own...

We have broken the shackles of slavery; we are now a free people. Our state is our own state. Our government is our own government, of the people, responsible to the people of the state, working for the good of the state...

...Thwarted in their desire to prevent the establishment of Pakistan, our enemies turned their attention to finding ways and means to weaken and destroy us...

Our enemies, among whom I regret to say, there are still some Muslims, have set about actively encouraging provincialism in the hope of weakening Pakistan and thereby facilitating the re-absorption of this province into the Indian Dominion. Those who are playing this game are living in a fool's paradise, but this does not prevent them trying...

Let me restate my views on the question of a state language for Pakistan. For official use in this province, the people of the province can choose any language they wish... There can, however, be one lingua franca, that is, the language for inter-communication between the various provinces of the state, and that language should be Urdu and cannot be any other...The state language, therefore, must obviously be Urdu, a language that has been nurtured by a hundred million Muslims of this subcontinent, a language understood throughout the length and breadth of Pakistan and, above all, a language which, more than any other provincial language, embodies the best that is in Islamic culture and Muslim tradition and is nearest to the languages used in other Islamic countries.

These facts are fully known to the people who are trying to exploit the language controversy in order to stir up trouble. There was no justification for agitation but it did not suit their purpose to admit this. Their sole object in exploiting this controversy is to create a split among the Muslims of this state, as indeed they have made no secret of their efforts to incite hatred against non-Bengali Mussulmans...

Make no mistake about it. There can be only one state language if the component parts of this state are to march forward in unison and that language, in my opinion, can only be Urdu. I have spoken at some length on this subject so as to warn you of the kind of tactics adopted by the enemies of Pakistan and certain opportunist politicians to try to disrupt this state or to discredit this government.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah warns students to be vigilant against mischief makers

In many literature Jinnah is frequently quoted as stating 'Urdu and Urdu alone would be the State Language of Pakistan'. This is a misquote. Nevertheless, his intention was very clear. Jinnah linked support for Urdu with Pakistani patriotism, as well as with Islam.

Students were stunned at these utterances of the most powerful man in Pakistan. At this point his speech was interrupted by loud protests from a large segment of the audience in the hall. Some of them shouted 'no, no' to record their protest. Amongst these was Abdul Matin, a student leader who later formed the Purbo Pakistan Jubo League (East Pakistan Youth League) in March 1951, and then, the Chhatra (Student) League, both Awami League fronts and instruments of the incipient nationalist movement. Waiting to receive his diploma from the Quaid-i-Azam, Abdul Matin stood up on his chair and shouted "No, it can not be!" when Jinnah made his declaration. He was supported by many other students.

This was a new experience for Jinnah. Unaccustomed to people defying him, Jinnah stayed silent for a few moments before resuming his speech. For the first time in his long political career, the Quaid-e-Azam faced a challenge to his diktat. However, he interpreted this outcry as further proof of the conspiracies to undo Pakistan. He went on to warn the students:

...beware of the fifth columnists among yourselves... guard against and weed out selfish people who only wish to exploit you so that they may swim...consolidate the Muslim League party which will serve and build up a really and truly great and glorious Pakistan.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah on 'Fifth Elements'

Meeting with Shorbodolio Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad bears no fruit

On the evening of 24 March 1948, i.e. the very day on which Jinnah spoke at the Dhaka University convocation, Jinnah agreed to meet a deputation on behalf of the Shorbodolio Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad. But the talks failed as both sides stuck to their pervious positions. Mohammad Toaha submitted a memorandum to on behalf of the students demanding Bengali as one of the state languages of Pakistan, but to no avail. Jinnah refused to see the students' point of view over the language question and reiterated his refusal to grant Bengali a status equivalent to that of Urdu. He tried to persuade the student representatives of the necessity of having one national language, but the students were not convinced.

The simmering tension reached boiling point when rather bizarrely Jinnah demanded to know from the students if Bengalis could boast any great men of letters in their history. Outraged and shocked by his poor knowledge of Bengali culture, and offended by the crudity of the question from their 'Father of the Nation', the students' reminded him of prominent figures such as Nobel Prize winner Rabindranath Tagore, Kazi Nazrul Islam, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Mir Mosharraf and a host of others. Jinnah made no response to this prompt comeback from the well-prepared and understandably irreverent youngsters. He merely resorted to warning the students against a deep-rooted conspiracy against Pakistan by communists and fifth columnists. The students clearly did not agree with him.

Jinnah committed the outrage of asking the young men if Bengal could point to any instances of great literature and aesthetics in the Bangla language.

Some of those on the Action Committee team, particularly Oli Ahad and Abdur Rahman Chowdhury, did not mince words in informing Jinnah that he had limited knowledge about the culture of the Bengalis. For his part, the governor general thought the students were being led astray by the enemies of Pakistan.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)

This experience proved to be a bitter pill and embarrassing experience for the language activists. The seeds of discontent had been sown. In spite of all their best efforts it was not possible immediately to rejuvenate the Movement due primarily to the mass popularity of Jinnah at the time.

In the days following Governor General Mohammad Ali Jinnah's address at Dhaka University, the atmosphere in the city and indeed in the province was one of deep disappointment. As the founder of Pakistan, in the view of many Bangalis, Jinnah ought to have been more receptive to the popular grievance where the language question was concerned. That Jinnah was not ready to give an inch baffled many. His combative meeting with student representatives after his Curzon Hall appearance did not go down well with people. The governor general was inclined to think that a strong handling of what he considered misguided young people was necessary. Among the students, a subtle rebellious streak began to manifest itself.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)

24 March 1948 could have been the day when Muhammad Ali Jinnah would rise to the occasion and assure Bengalis that their worries about the place of Bangla in Pakistan would be taken into serious and sympathetic consideration. He missed the chance and thereby set the people of East Bengal on a course that was to lead, over the next 24 years, to the break-up of Pakistan and the rise of East Bengal as the independent republic of Bangladesh.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)

Jinnah spent the remaining part of his visit to East Pakistan in meetings with local Muslim League leaders and workers as well as government officials. Accompanied by the general officer commanding (GOC), Mohammad Ayub Khan (later president of Pakistan through a coup d'état ), he also visited troops of the fledgling Pakistan army.

Radio broadcast announces Urdu-only stance to the whole eastern province

On the eve of his return to Karachi on 28 March 1948, Jinnah spoke to the people of East Bengal over radio. Amazingly, he only repeated what he had earlier stated at the Race Course Maidan and the DU convocation. His speech was rather long, the focal point being his emphasis on the need for unity and discipline among all the units of the state of Pakistan. He did not let the opportunity go by for proffering some advice to Bengali students who, he suggested, should take what he called the right course to the future. However student rallies and protests erupted immediately after Jinnah's week long visit.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah's visit to East Bengal, with his pronouncements on the language question, considerably diminished his hitherto solid reputation as a unifying force for the people of Pakistan. A sense of alienation between him and the Bengalis set in immediately with his departure for Karachi.

The Daily Star (Bangladesh)

The fall of united Pakistan seems to many observers to have been the final act in a play that began in 1947... Many would say that [Zulfikar Ali] Bhutto was responsible in the final act, but others would maintain that Jinnah may have played the key role in the first act.

Craig Baxter, author of "Bangladesh / Government and Politics in South Asia"

Kobita - Ora Amar Mukher Kotha

"Ora Amar Mukher Bhasha" by Abdul Latif

Jinnah "misinformed"

The insistence of the Muslim League and its leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah to impose Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan fuelled wider support throughout East Pakistan for the language movement. However, this insistence was a surprise. Traditionally, the Muslim League are known to favour devolution – more powers to the provinces, less to the centre.

The Lahore Resolution had envisaged two autonomous and independent states. Even when, in 1946, the Lahore Resolution was virtually amended to make the demand for a separate state for the Muslims, the question of provincial autonomy was not compromised. Yet the Muslim League leaders miserably failed to conceive in terms of linguistic autonomy.

Anisuzzaman, Professor Emeritus at Dhaka University

The fact that the west Pakistanis were ready to provoke the east Pakistanis – traditionally peaceful, hardworking people of the soil – demonstrates not only their arrogance but their lack of insight into the high esteem in which the Bengali Muslim held their language.

Such indications were abound. Let us cite an example. A few days after the Lahore Resolution was adopted, the Bangya Musalman Sahitya Samiti organized a discussion on the poetry of Iqbal. The Mayor of Calcutta, Abdur Rahman Siddiqui (later governor of East Pakistan) was invited to chair the session and Amiya Chackravarty, the poet, as the main speaker. Although the speakers were given the choice of using English or Urdu, then chair would not allow anyone to speak in Bengali. This led a section of the audience, with Habibullah Bahar and Shaukat Osman in the forefront, to make such hue and cry that the chair himself had to leave the premises. The very next day Amiya Chakravarty narrated the incident in his letter to Rabindranth Tagore and expressed both his surprise and admiration at the love of the young men for their mother language.

Anisuzzaman, Professor Emeritus at Dhaka University

It is also alleged that Jinnah was given one-sided briefing on the language issue and half-truth was presented to him. The picture presented to him depicted that the demand for Bengali as State language was nothing more than a conspiracy of disgruntled leaders of the Muslim League, the Hindus, the communists and anti-Pakistan elements.

Time did not allow Quaid to apply his political wisdom to explore and resolve the issue, as he did in 1937. During a session of the All India Muslim League at Lucknow, a proposal was tabled for making Urdu as official language of the Muslim League in 1937 but it was strongly opposed by the Bengali delegates. Quaid intervened and final version of resolution carried that wherever the Urdu language was the language of area, its unhampered use and development should be upheld, and where it is not the predominance language, adequate arrangements should be made for teaching it as an optional subject.

Mussarat Jabeen, Amir Ali Chandio & Zarina Qasim, Analysts

Nevertheless, after Jinnah’s visit the controversy temporarily cooled down but the issue remained unresolved.

The politics of language in Jinnah's Pakistan, mirrored in Modi's India

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s idea of nationhood is, as it were, a Xerox copy of Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s

By Ramachandra Guha

Published 26.10.18, 9:50 PMUpdated 29.10.18, 1:10 PM

5 mins read

Muhammad Ali Jinnah was determined that the state he was bringing into being would privilege one religion and one language alone.

Source: Anandabazar Patrika

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One of the joys of reading old newspapers on microfilm is the serendipitous discoveries one makes. Looking for reports on Gandhi’s stay in Calcutta in August-September 1947, I came across a remarkable letter written by an unknown Indian. His name was M.S. Ali, he lived in Dum Dum, and his letter, published in The Statesman on August 12, 1947, read as follows: “Sir, — Pakistan State will consist of five provinces — each of which has a distinct language of its own. Of these Bengali is most advanced, its vocabulary is rich and flexible, compared with it the others are poor languages.

“Urdu, though highly advanced and rich, is not a language of the masses of India or of Pakistan. Its use is confined to the educated north-west Indian Muslims. It should not therefore be made Pakistan’s State language, far less, the medium of instruction in the Pakistan universities. If a foreign language, European or Indian, is thrust upon Pakistan’s provinces, a set of people speaking that language will get the upper hand over others. This will greatly hamper the progress of Pakistan as a whole.

“I suggest that each of the five provinces should have a board of specialists in different languages and this board should be put in charge of inter-provincial correspondence and other inter-connected matters. This would solve the linguistic difficulties. The Centre, like the provinces, should also have a board of its own and thereby avoid adoption of any particular language as its own. If a particular language is at all necessary for the Central Government I suggest the use of English.”

–– ADVERTISEMENT ––

The writer was a Bengali-speaking Muslim, who perhaps sought to move to the east of the province once it became part of Pakistan. Yet his letter did not merely express a parochial Bengali sentiment. Ali knew that the other provinces of the soon-to-be-formed state of Pakistan also had their own dominant language, which in each case was not Urdu. The residents of Punjab principally spoke Punjabi, the residents of Sind principally spoke Sindhi, the residents of the North West Frontier Province largely spoke Pashto and the residents of Balochistan largely spoke Baloch. He thus asked for each of these languages to be respected and promoted. And he asked further that a language utterly foreign to the majority of citizens of a future Pakistan, namely Urdu, not be imposed on them.

The sentiments were admirable and far-sighted, but the founder of Pakistan was not listening. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was determined that the state he was bringing into being would privilege one religion and one language alone. Here, Jinnah was deeply influenced by Western models of nation-making, wherein residents of a particular territory had been forcibly brought together and united on the basis of a shared language and a common religion. On the other hand, Jinnah’s great rival and contemporary, M.K. Gandhi, had chosen an altogether different model of nation-making, which respected diversity and difference, and refused to identify citizenship with a single language or a single religion.

Six months after Pakistan was created, its governor-general visited the eastern part of the nation. In a major speech in Dhaka on March 21, 1948, Jinnah said: “There has also lately been a certain amount of excitement over the question whether Bengali or Urdu shall be the state language of this province and of Pakistan. In this latter connection, I hear that some discreditable attempts have been made by political opportunists to make a tool of students in Dacca to embarrass the administration.”

Then Jinnah continued: “Let me warn you in the clearest terms of the dangers that still face Pakistan and your province in particular, as I have done already. Having failed to prevent the establishment of Pakistan, thwarted and frustrated by failure, the enemies of Pakistan have now turned their attention to disrupt[ing] the state by creating a split amongst the Muslims of Pakistan. These attempts have taken the shape principally of encouraging provincialism.”

Speaking further on the question of language, Jinnah remarked: “Whether Bengali should be the official language of this province is a matter for the elected representatives of the people of this province to decide. I have no doubt that this question should be decided solely in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants of this province at the appropriate time. Let me tell you in clearest language that there is no truth [in rumors] that your normal life is to be touched or disturbed, so far as your Bengali language is concerned. But ultimately it is for you, the people of this province, to decide what should be the language of your province.”

This seemed to be a concession to the depth of provincial sentiment, an appreciation of what their language meant to the Bengalis. However, Jinnah continued: “But let me make it clear to you that the state language of Pakistan is going to be Urdu and no other language. Anyone who tries to mislead [you] is merely the enemy of Pakistan. Without one state language, no nation can remain tied up solidly together and function. Look at the history of other countries. There[fore] so far as the state language is concerned, Pakistan’s language should be Urdu.”

So, in Jinnah’s Pakistan, Bengali would be subordinated to Urdu in such matters as education, employment, government communications, and the like. In insisting that there would be only one State language, Jinnah was exhibiting a certain paranoia. He was nervous that his newly established nation would come apart if it did not adopt certain common criteria of citizenship. Jinnah wanted to make sure that Pakistan would be a Muslim nation, and an Urdu speaking nation as well.

On the other hand, Gandhi and, following him, Nehru, adopted a more capacious idea of citizenship. Here, it was not mandatory for the State to be identified with a single religion, nor indeed for one among India’s many languages to be elevated to a paramount and superior status. India would not be a Hindu nation. Nor would Hindi be forcibly imposed on the south and the east of the country. There would be no official State language, and each province would have the freedom to promote and enhance its own linguistic traditions.

As is well known, the elevation of Urdu over Bengali was a, perhaps the, major reason for the rise of separatist sentiments in East Pakistan, which grew and intensified over the years and resulted eventually in the creation of the independent nation of Bangladesh. Jinnah had claimed: “Without one state language, no nation can remain tied up solidly together and function.” In fact, the situation was the reverse; largely because of the imposition of one State language, Pakistan could not stay together and function, and broke into two. If the founder of Pakistan had the fortune to have read M.S. Ali’s published letter, and the wisdom to implement its suggestions, Bangladesh may never have come into existence.

There is one last point I wish to make. This is that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s idea of nationhood is, as it were, a Xerox copy of Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s. For them, to be properly Indian is to be a Hindu, and to be truly Indian is to be able to speak Hindi. While the current RSS chief speaks of the primacy of Hinduism over all Indian faiths, his epigones enact his ideas on the streets, by committing acts of violence on those who are not Hindus. Meanwhile, the Bharatiya Janata Party-led Central government slyly seeks to promote Hindi at the expense of other Indian languages. Fortunately, there are many Indians who think about their country in the manner that M.S. Ali thought about Pakistan. The majoritarianism of faith and of language shall not come to pass.

ramachandraguha@yahoo.in

Is it true that founder of Pakistan Jinnah couldn't speak Urdu?

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3 Answers

Salman Naveed

Salman Naveed, BS Electrical Engineering, National University of Sciences and Technology, Pakistan (2021)

Answered Apr 14, 2017

The Quaid-e-Azam belonged to the Kachh region of Sindh. As a result, his mother tongue was Gujarati. Living in Karachi, the Quaid spoke Urdu and Gujarati at home. But as he left for England at the age of 16, his native languages never had a significant role in his educational and professional lives.

During the heyday of the Pakistan Movement, the Quaid addressed the Muslims of India in a mixture of Urdu and English. Most of his speeches contained Urdu at the beginning but switched to English at the end for the benefit of the wider audience, I.e. the British.

As Governor-General of Pakistan, the Quaid addressed the nation, gave statements and speeches in English because he was more comfortable that way. However, he stressed that Urdu and only Urdu would be the national language of Pakistan because it was the language of the Muslims of India and the masses.

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Arsalan Khattak

Arsalan Khattak, knows Urdu

Answered Aug 20, 2018

Quaid e Azam had spent more of his life abroad due to studies but that doesn't qualify that he didn't knew Urdu or couldn't speak Urdu.

A day before, I was listening to an interview of a man of Quaid's era and he was telling that,

“Quaid's Urdu speaking was worse than Pashtuns. And when he delivered speeches in Urdu, They (Pashtuns), were unable to understand him. But they would listen to him and they always said that whatever this man is telling, is true and whatever this man is doing is right".

So we can say that, his speaking skills were weak but not that he couldn't speak Urdu.

Jinnah didn't know how to write or read Urdu

Discussion in 'Social & Current Events' started by N/A, Jan 31, 2015.

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Jan 31, 2015#1

N/A

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Quaid-e-Azam aka Mohd Ali Jinnah couldn't read or write Urdu, the official language of Pakistan. Urdu later became one of the reasons behind separation of Bangladesh. The fact was recorded in many books that Jinnah was not comfortable with either Urdu or Bangla.

But Jinnah was fluent in Gujarati. He could read as well as write Gujarati, his mother tongue. Jinnah was a native of Paneli — not far from Gandhiji's birthplace Porbandar. It is often said the issue of Partition boiled down to these two Kathiawadis.

Even though Quaid did not know Urdu his passion for Pakistan was enough to connect to people who could not understand him thoroughly and create the nation of Pakistan . Jinnah proved that in order to be successful in Pakistan you don't need to know Urdu, but all you need is a deep desire for Pakistan, which Jinnah had

Jan 31, 2015#2

MohammadHaqueCA

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Well, despite the fact that his passion and commitment with the cause Indian Muslims could not be questioned and his honesty was above board, he was not a good politician rather he was a statesman far better than the contemporary politicians. The problem is that he was an extremely arrogant person and showed inflexibility at times when political bending-snapping would have been more appropriate. Eventually, people of sub-continent ended up suffering from the unforeseen consequences that no-one ever imagined. Though Nehru was to blame for the failure of Cabinet Mission's proposal of creating a so called confederation instead of an all out partition, I still believe that Cabinet Mission's proposal was the best option offered to Muslims of India that would have kept integrity of Muslim cause in the subcontinent very much intact. Knowing or knowing Urdu wouldn't matter!

Jan 31, 2015#3

Cheetah786

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SquadronLeaderDin said: ↑

Click to expand...

You clearly don't know the reason why Urdu was chosen as the official language. It was chosen cause it was the neutral language between all provinces.Quaide never wanted today's bangladesh to be part of pakistan period. Even if Bengali was the official language Bangladesh still was going to seperate.

Jan 31, 2015#4

rubyjackass

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MohammadHaqueCA said: ↑

Click to expand...

Jinnah's commitment cannot be questioned but you are way of the mark with other stuff about him. Jinnah was a good negotiator and a politician than a statesman. You would imagine a statesman would get respect from people across all sections. Whatever Jinnah achieved was because of his inflexibility not despite it. He would never have achieved any bit of Pakistan if he bent a little. His brinkmanship, vicious politics and blackmail(don't give us freedom if the Pakistan question is not settled) was what brought him his success. He could not have bent. Its like backing down in a poker game. His opponents would have read the cards and called his bluff if he showed any sign of genuine desire to see a united India.

Nehru should not be blamed for failure of Cabinet Mission Plan. It was a shi**y plan. Only people who think one Muslim = x Hindus find it sensible. It would be a loose-loose for India. Consider what would have happened by the plan. Entire Bengal and Punjab would be with Muslim states with Delhi at borders. Which means more territory to muslim states plus the ability to secede at a later time. Jinnah was ready to make secession impossible by law, but seriously what is exactly impossible?

There would be three levels of governance with the national legislature having equal number of muslims and hindus which is ridiculous. Now you also see why I said curbs on secession would be a joke. We would have become like Bosnia-Herzegovina with a president for Hindus and a president for Muslims both having veto over every issue. If you are calling the present state in India and Pakistan as policy paralysis, I shudder to think what would have happened then. Such a confederation is BS. The joke in all this is that even Jinnah did not believe in a confederation. That is why he wanted a strong Centre for the muslim states even though his constituents like the Punjab CM was pushing for stronger states(In fact this is with what Jinnah used to scare muslims states into supporting him. The argument that a Hindu PM will make them slaves).

No wonder then that strong proponents of united India like Gandhi also saw the reasoning.

Jinnah's not knowing Urdu was a tragedy for Pakistan. I will comment on a different post.

Cheetah786 said: ↑

That is incorrect. You are saying that with a sour grapes attitude. Qauid wanted Bangladesh. He actually wanted the whole of the then Punjab and the then Bengal. Bengali was made the official language of Pakistan by 1956. But the other burning issues were like the discrimination against East Pakistan in expenditure even though they had higher population basically rejecting population based allocation.

Up until 4 years ago, the same population proportion principle was used by Punjab to grab majority share in taxes from the other provinces even though the highest taxes are collected from Karachi. We all know the causus belli for Bangladesh as well. It was not just a military dictator that rejected Mujib's mandate but also a democratic politician who would have stayed a long time in Pakistani politics.

Jan 31, 2015#5

Horus

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Australia

Urdu was chosen because its has no ethnic color to it. It was a language that could've worked for everyone and it does. Now every Pakistani who has been to school can speak Urdu. Bangladesh's language movement was a political ploy cooked by India to instigate agitation, the people never cared much about Bangla or Urdu. Currency from that time and official documents clearly show that Bangla had official status in both parts of the country. Again the reasons for 71 debacle are political as we should have given the East Pakistan autonomy over its matters except foreign policy, economy and defense. We were lead by men of straw and traitors who had no vision and therefore lead us into an unnecessary civil war.

Philosophy

Tuesday, September 17, 2019

Jinnah, Urdu and State Language

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